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Sunday, 29 September 2024

对违反FC和联邦法案的行为进行必要的修改

对违反 FC 和联邦法案的行为进行必要的修改

By Alex Ling, MA LLB (CANTAB) on February 10, 2019, Sunday at 12:01 AMSarawak

 
在过去的 45 年里,MA1963 的精神和五层根深蒂固的宪法条款一直被“设计或其他方式”故意违反。

但在特许权使用费制度下,不存在任何懈怠、默许或禁止反悔的情况。 PDA1974、EEZ Act 1974、TSA 2012 和 Act 354 从未得到沙巴砂拉越议会明示或默示的批准。

7FC 是国家清单第九附表第 2、4(1)、80(3)、95D、76(4)、162 条以及第 2(a)、(c) 和 (d) 项。 在市议会层面上,砂拉越的七项保护性市政法律(7PM)是《2018年石油开采条例(修订)条例》(OMAO2018)第3A、4、15至18、34条,根据《2018年石油开采条例(修订)条例》第162(2)条更新1954 年理事会(OIC 1954),关于所有租约的第 32(1)(g)、36(2) 和 209(1) 条,以及 1958 年砂拉越土地法典 (SLC) 第 112 条,使所有租约登记有效且可执行,马来西亚批准的 1956 年补充契约(SD 1956)、2005 年砂拉越解释条例(SIO 2005)第 3 条和《联合国海洋法公约》(UNCLOS 1982)第 76 条,以及 1963 年 MA 第 VIII 条下的保证,多边条约和宪法协议“保证、承诺……只要马来西亚宪法没有明确规定实施”。




在FC中,联合会应该是马来西亚而不是马来亚。这是正确的吗?

正确的。 FC(联邦宪法)第 160 条关于解释 “联邦”应修改为“马来西亚联邦” 

根据1963年马来西亚协议,而不是“1957年马来亚联邦协议”,这并不能反映马来西亚的宪法地位和现实。

作为 MA63 附件 A 所附的马来西亚法案 (MB) 的序言中规定了“马来西亚联邦”,这在其第 4(1) 条以及 FC 最初的第 I(1) 条中重复出现。

对联邦立法和宪法其他部分进行必要的修改

首先,必须废除违宪、无效和非法的1976年第354号议会颁布的法案。 因此,现有的FC第I条必须被废除,恢复原来的FC第1条或马来西亚法案第4条,但删除新加坡除外,以符合FC第161E(3)条。

其次,根据《框架公约》第2条,沙巴和砂拉越的领海范围应明确界定为“从根据《公约》第3条第2部分确定的基线测量,不超过12海里的限度。 1982 年《联合国海洋法公约》(UNCLOS)。”

第三,对于PDA1974,应插入新的第1(2)条,内容为“本法案不适用于沙巴和砂拉越沿海国家”,这应同样适用于TSA2012,废除关于O&G和砂拉越的第4条和第5条。其他自然资源,见《1984 年专属经济区法》和《1985 年渔业法》。

砂拉越和沙巴沿海州的自然资源,包括联邦清单第九附表第 9(d) 项下的渔业,应根据 1982 年《联合国海洋法公约》第五部分专属经济区第 55、56(1) 和 57 条废除。

根据 1982 年《联合国海洋法公约》,专属经济区地图应正确地重新标记为“砂拉越”而不是“砂拉越附近”。

根据功能界别,马来亚各州和联邦直辖区的议会不得执行三分之二规则。这是正确的吗?

正确的。无效的 FC 第 46 条必须重新修改,以根据马来西亚法案 (MB) 第 9 条,按比例维持马来亚各州和联邦直辖区的*无三分之二规则,作为第二层宪法规定- 即现在要发行32个新的国会席位,必须以31:25的比例分配给砂拉越和沙巴,以建立议会民主和法治的宪政政府。为什么?

(1)如果没有三分之二规则,新加坡总理李光耀领导下的新加坡将永远不会加入马来西亚,并建议砂拉越和沙巴领导人将其作为保障第46条下议会立法橡皮图章的至关重要和基本条款。 

马来亚州后来将联邦直辖区纳入,按照原来的联邦委员会第46条和MB第9条的规定,所占席位不得超过65.4%,即159个国会议席中的104个。 65.4% 的宪法条款必须在法治、宪政议会民主和 MA63 的框架下得到尊重和执行,MA63 也作为国际法下的多边条约。

(2)MB第9条是保护婆罗洲领土的强制性无二三分规则的第二层宪法条款,必须在修改第46条之前首先进行修改,不受联邦控制,但必须得到婆罗洲领土的同意平等伙伴将始终坚持让这 65.4% 得到尊重和保障。

新加坡于 1965 年 8 月 9 日签署的分离协议是刻意执行的,其明示和暗示的条件是分离协议只有在执行后才会披露,而对婆罗洲领土领袖们却一无所知,这严重违反了《MB》第 9 条和三个基本原则。敦拉萨作为平等伙伴的保证。 李光耀总理后来确实对婆罗洲领土被故意排除在分离协议之外感到后悔。

你相信马来西亚仍然在国际法下生存吗?

是的。更好的国际法律观点是,马来西亚仍然在宪法和法律上存在,因为新加坡和英国对婆罗洲领土没有财务或其他义务。如果马来亚各州退出马来西亚,情况将大不相同。其余三个平等伙伴可以先修改MB,然后再相应修改FC。
多边条约往往会保留、然后破坏其生存和发挥作用的初衷。终止和退出假设所有各方的协议不再是良法,《麦克奈尔勋爵论条约法》,第 494-7 页以及自 1871 年著名的《伦敦宣言》以来。

其余三个缔约方的权利和义务完整且不受损害,但根据 MA1963 得到保留,其权利和义务也受独立于多边条约的国际法的约束。

砂拉越的退出能否像英国脱欧和加拿大几乎分裂的情况一样合法和符合宪法?

根据国际法,“任何自愿加入联邦的国家都拥有随意退出联邦的固有权利,”IGC 主席 Lansdowne 勋爵在 MA1963 上解释道。

我们现任首相的论调其资格是“自治”而不是“独立”,以拯救马来西亚,这也是婆罗洲领土的创始人意愿想要用法治来拯救马来西亚,尽管更多的主权,独立和砂拉越退出的呼应从城镇到婆罗洲的中心的山谷

是否存在根据 FC 第 150 条宣布紧急状态的担忧?

联邦内阁将遵循法治、MA1963 作为宪法协议、国际条约以及公共法、国际法和国际习俗法。

最后,MA1963 中没有撤销或终止条款。因此,《维也纳条约法公约》(VCLT)第 56 条第(1)款(a)项可以解释为暗示退出权或退出不会自动导致条约终止,以及蓝铅笔测试的分离原则:没有因为新加坡的退出而摧毁MA63。

关于第 46 条,FC 的原始第一条和 MB 的第 4 条和第 9 条,麦克奈尔勋爵和剑桥大学的詹宁斯对于婆罗洲领土的宪法根深蒂固的保障的实际方法持相同的观点,甚至新加坡已退出马来西亚。

无三分之二规则是为了阻止马来亚各州和联邦直辖区,后来在MA1963的MB第9条中明确规定,在修改FC第46条之前必须先修改该规则,作为根深蒂固的宪法前提和保护。

为什么以及如何必须对回教法庭进行附带条件的修改?

由于不遵守第4(1)条、第162(1)条,《FC》第121(1A)条必须“经砂拉越和沙巴立法委员会批准”修改,以建立伊斯兰法院的平行法院管辖权。 )和附表九州名单II以及第5A条的缺失仅在沙巴进行了修改,但砂拉越并未接受以前宣布为沙巴宗教的伊斯兰教。

这种“民事和宗教法庭的司法纠纷以及地盘之争”并不是由于“法官缺乏道德勇气”。无论法官多么善良和公正,一国的两种法律制度总会发生冲突。

在砂拉越,为了维持最高的宗教和种族团结指数,此类联邦立法也是破坏砂拉越和沙巴文化遗产的最大威胁,如果执行得太过严厉,涉及在美里为了一名穆斯林举行宗教仪式后立即抢走尸体。

安东尼(2005)、卡玛利亚(2004)、沙玛拉(2005)和莉娜·乔伊(2006)的案例给穆斯林和非穆斯林离婚后的家庭留下了无法愈合的伤痕和痛苦。

联邦当局建议,由于母亲拥有伊斯兰法庭的监护权,而父亲则拥有民事法庭的监护权,因此将一名五岁的孩子突然送往孤儿院,这对马来西亚人来说是不人道、不公平和不符合马来西亚人的行为。无辜的孩子。下面第四章有进一步的评论。

为什么剩余权力必须在婆罗洲领土同意的情况下修改?

为了完整起见,FC 第 77 条规定的剩余权力,例如在许多主题上保持沉默,例如未来的干细胞研究,如果认为合适,应修订如下:“国家立法机关有权制定法律对于附表九所列出的任何清单中未列举的任何事项,以及议会有权制定法律的任何事项,未经沙巴和砂拉越通过其制定的法律表示同意,不得通过各自的立法机关。”

这是为了防止像旅游税不幸案例中那样的误解;并防止联邦政府在未经婆罗洲领土立法委员会同意的情况下单方面将干细胞研究等新项目指定为联邦清单I,就像旅游业一样。

为什么必须对砂拉越大陆架上的外国海洋结构实施照会?

这份外交照会,最好是根据国际公约在联合国登记的协议,必须以正式和适当的方式完成,以防止外国在几十年或几个世纪后根据国际法对油气、海藻、矿产和渔业“获取领土” 。这类似于英格兰的擅自占地者头衔。即使是一座灯塔也能改变一切。

许多联邦指令、婆罗洲化和逐步下放自治权等都需要迅速修改和实施。

您希望现任联邦政府做什么?

我们相信明智的首相将接受O&G的20%特许权使用费,并根据马来西亚法案第9条分配32个新国会议员席位,并根据FC第46条的规则或法律重新修改宪法,其中254个席位来自他的强势心去做正确、公正和最好的事情,这将触动婆罗洲人的心灵和灵魂,随着法治的实施,人民最终将找到新的声音、新的信任和新的信仰。对婆罗洲领土的创始人和开拓者做出的梦想和承诺将在 MA63 下得到恢复。

让我们的总理和他的继任者增加更多的特许权使用费,同时在我们的石油和天然气耗尽之前改革MA1963,同时实施国家救援计划以堵塞巨大的财务漏洞,不是作为马来西亚的交易性改革,而是结构性改革。

这难道不是婆罗洲和马来西亚政治、社会、经济、文化遗产的宏伟遗产吗!

The necessary amendments of breaches of FC and Federal Acts

The necessary amendments of breaches of FC and Federal Acts  by Alex Ling

FOR the last 45 years, the spirit and five tiers of entrenched constitutional provisions of MA1963 have been deliberately breached by “design or otherwise.”

But there was no laches, acquiescence nor estoppel applicable under the royalty system. The PDA1974, EEZ Act 1974, TSA 2012 and Act 354 were never approved by the Council Negeri expressly or impliedly.

The 7FCs are Articles 2, 4(1), 80(3), 95D, 76(4), 162 and Items 2(a), (c) and (d) of the State List Ninth Schedule. On the municipal level, the seven protective municipal laws of Sarawak (7PMs) are Sections 3A, 4, 15 to 18, 34 of the Oil Mining Ordinance (Amendment) Ordinance 2018 (OMAO2018), updated under Article 162(2), Order in Council 1954 (OIC 1954), Sections 32(1)(g), 36(2) and 209(1) on all leases and 112 of the Sarawak Land Code (SLC) 1958 for registration of all leases to be valid and enforceable, Supplementary Deed 1956 (SD 1956), Section 3 of Sarawak Interpretation Ordinance 2005 (SIO 2005) and Article 76 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS 1982), ratified by Malaysia and Assurances under Article VIII of MA 1963, a multi-lateral treaty and constitutional agreement for “Assurance, undertaking …… insofar as they are not implemented by express provision of the constitution of Malaysia.”

In the FC, the federation should be Malaysia not Malaya. Is that correct?

Right. Article 160 of FC (Federal Constitution) on the interpretation of “The Federation” shall be amended to read “The Federation of Malaysia” under Malaysia Agreement 1963 instead of the “Federation of Malaya Agreement 1957” which does not reflect the constitutional status and reality of Malaysia.

The preamble of Malaysia Bill (MB) attached as Annex A to MA63, states “Federation of Malaysia,” repeated in its Article 4(1) as well as in the original Article I(1) of the FC.

Necessary amendments of some other parts of the federal legislations and constitution

Firstly, the unconstitutional, void and illegal parliamentary enactment Act 354 of 1976 must be repealed. So the present Article I of the FC must be repealed by reinstating the original Article 1 of the FC or Article 4 of Malaysia Bill except deleting Singapore as well to conform to Article 161E(3) of the FC.

Secondly, under Article 2 of the FC, the breath of the territorial sea of Sabah and Sarawak shall be defined clearly up “to a limit not exceeding 12 nautical miles, measured from baseline determined in accordance with Article 3 Part II of Article 3 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) 1982.”

Thirdly, for PDA1974, a new Article 1(2) should be inserted to read “This act shall not be applicable to the coastal states of Sabah and Sarawak” which should be equally applicable to TSA2012, the void Articles 4 and 5 on O&G and other natural resources, in the Exclusive Economic Zone Act 1984 and the Fisheries Act 1985.

The natural resources of the coastal states of Sarawak and Sabah, including fisheries under Item 9(d) of the Federal List Ninth Schedule, should be repealed under Sections 55, 56(1) and 57 of the Part V Exclusive Economic Zone, UNCLOS 1982.

The map of EEZ should be correctly re-labelled as “of Sarawak” not “off Sarawak” accordingly under UNCLOS 1982.

No Two-Third rule in parliament for States of Malaya and Federal Territories must be implemented according to the FCs. Is that correct?

Correct. The void Article 46 of the FC must be re-amended to maintain the no Two-Third Rule proportionately for the States of Malaya and the Federal Territories in accordance to Article 9 of the Malaysia Bill (MB) as the second tier of constitutional entrenched provision — namely now to issue 32 new parliamentary seats which must be allocated to Sarawak and Sabah in the ratio of 31:25 for the constitutional government with parliamentary democracy and under the Rule of Law. Why?

(1)Without the Two-Third rule, Singapore under Premier Lee KY, would never have joined Malaysia and had advised the Sarawak and Sabah leaders as a critically important and the fundamental provision to safeguard rubber stamping of parliamentary legislations under Article 46. The States of Malaya later included the Federal Territories should not have more than 65.4 per cent as stipulated in the original Article 46 of the FC and Article 9 of MB — namely 104 out of 159 parliamentary seats. That 65.4 per cent constitutional proviso must be honoured and enforced under the Rule of Law, constitutional parliamentary democracy and MA63 as a multi-lateral treaty under international law too.

(2) Article 9 of MB is the second tier constitutional proviso safeguarding the Borneo Territories on the mandatory no Two-Third Rule which must be amended first before any amendment of Article 46, without the federal domination but must be agreed by the Borneo Territories as equal partners which will always insist for that 65.4 per cent to be honoured and safeguarded.

The Separation Agreement of Singapore on 9th August 1965 was executed deliberately with the express and implied conditions that the Separation Agreement would be only disclosed after its execution while keeping the Borneo Territories in the dark was in gross breach of Article 9 of MB and the three fundamental assurances of Tun Razak as equal partners. Premier Lee KY did feel remorseful later that the Borneo Territories were deliberately left out for that Separation Agreement.

Do you believe that Malaysia still subsists under international law?

Yes. The better international legal view would be that Malaysia still subsists constitutionally and legally as Singapore and the UK have no obligations, financial or otherwise, to the Borneo Territories. It would be quite different if the States of Malaya were to exit Malaysia. The three remaining equal partners can amend MB first and then the FC accordingly.

Multi-lateral treaties would tend to preserve, then destroy their original intentions to subsist and make them work. Termination and withdrawal suppose the agreement of all parties is no longer good law, Lord Mcnair on the Law of Treaties, p 494-7 and since the famous Declaration of London 1871.

The rights and obligations of the three remaining parties are intact and not prejudiced but preserved under MA1963 with the rights and obligations also subject under international law independently of the multi-lateral treaty.

Can Sarawak-exit be legal and constitutional as in the case of Brexit and the almost secession in Canada?

Under international law, “any state voluntarily entering a federation had an intrinsic right to secede at will,” explained Lord Lansdowne, IGC Chairman on MA1963.

Our present PM has qualified as “autonomy” not “independence” to save Malaysia intended by the founders in the Borneo Territories now with the Rule of Law despite the echoes of more royalty, independence and Sarawak-exit from the towns to the valleys of the heart of Borneo.

Is there a fear of emergency declared under Article 150 of the FC? The Federal Cabinet will follow the Rule of Law, MA1963 as Constitutional Agreement, International Treaty and the public, international and customary international laws.

Lastly, there is no withdrawal nor termination clause in MA1963. Therefore Article 56(1)(a) of Vienna Convention on The Law of Treaties (VCLT) can interpret to imply a right to withdraw or a withdrawal does not automatically result in its termination, in addition to severance principle with the blue pencil test that did not destroy MA63 due to the exit of Singapore.

On this Article 46, the original Article I of the FC and Articles 4 and 9 of MB, Lord McNair and Jennings of Cambridge University were of the same view on the practical approach on the subsistence of the constitutional entrenched safeguards for the Borneo Territories, even Singapore had exited Malaysia.

The no Two-Third Rule is to prevent the States of Malaya and the federal territories, later clearly stipulated under MA1963 in Article 9 of MB which must be amended first before amending Article 46 of the FC as an entrenched constitutional precondition and protection.

Why and how Syariah Court must be amended with a proviso?

Article 121(1A) of the FC must be amended “subject to the approvals of the legislative councils of Sarawak and Sabah”
on the creation of parallel court jurisdiction of Syariah court due to non-compliance to Articles 4(1), 162(1) and the Ninth Schedule State List II and absence of Article 5A amended only in Sabah but not in Sarawak accepting Islam formerly declared as the religion of Sabah.

This “juridical imbroglio of civil and religion courts and turf war,” was not due to “lack of moral courage of judges.” One country two legal systems will always clash however good and fair are the judges.

In Sarawak, to maintain the highest religious and racial unity index, such federal legislation is the greatest threat to disrupt that cultural heritage of Sarawak and Sabah too, when enforced too vigorously, involving a dead body being snatched right after one religious ceremony for another Muslim burial in Miri.

The cases of Anthony (2005) Kamaria (2004), Shamala (2005) and Lina Joy (2006) have left unhealable scars and grievous pains for families after divorces between Muslims and non-Muslims.

Putting a child of five years old suddenly in an orphanage as suggested by a federal authority due to the mother having the custody from the Syariah court while the father with the custody from the civil court, would be inhuman, unfair and un-Malaysian to the innocent child. There are further comments below in Chapter IV below.

Why residual Powers must be amended with consents of the Borneo Territories?

For completeness, the Residual Powers under Article 77 of the FC, eg silent in many subjects, eg such as Stem Cell Research in future shall be amended, if thought fit, as follows : “The Legislature of a State shall have power to make laws with respect to any matter not enumerated in any of the Lists set out in the Ninth Schedule, and any matter in respect of which Parliament has power to make laws shall not be passed without the consents of Sabah and Sarawak expressed by a law made by their respective legislature.”

This is to prevent misunderstanding as seen in the unfortunate case of tourism tax; and to prevent new item such as Stem Cell Research to be unilaterally designated under Federal List I by the federal government without the consents of the legislative councils of the Borneo Territories as in the case of tourism.

Why diplomatic notes on foreign marine structure in Sarawak’s continental shelf
must be implemented?

This diplomatic note, better an agreement registered in the UN under international convention, must be done officially and properly to prevent future claim of “acquisition of territories” on O&G, seaweeds, minerals and fisheries by the foreign country decades or centuries later under international laws. It is akin to squatter title in England. Even a lighthouse can make all the difference.

Numerous federal directives, Borneonization and devolution of autonomy in steps and others would need to be expeditiously amended and implemented.

What do you hope the present federal government will do?

We trust the wise premier will accept the 20 per cent royalty of O&G and allocations of 32 new MPs seats under Article 9 of the Malaysia Bill by re-amending constitutionally under the Rule or Law on Article 46 of the FC with 254 seats from his strong heart to do what is right, just and best that will touch the hearts and souls in the heart of Borneo where the people will find a new voice, a new trust and a new faith at last with the implementation of the Rule of Law, the dreams and promises made to the founders and pioneers of the Borneo Territories will be restored under MA63.

Let our premier and his successors increase more royalty while reforming MA1963 before our O&G ran dry while carrying out the national rescue packages to plug the big financial hole, not as a transactional but a structural reformation of Malaysia.

Wouldn’t that be a magnificent legacy of a politico-socio-economic-cultural heritage of Borneo and Malaysia!

Friday, 27 September 2024

Was the Cobbold Commission a scam?

Was the Cobbold Commission a scam?
By Voon Lee Shan

Without the Cobbold Commission, there is no Cobbold Commission Report. Without the Cobbold Commission Report, there is no Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63). Without the Malaysia Agreement 1963, there is no Malaysia. However, the issue is Whether the Cobbold Commission was a scam – a scam to deceive the people of the British Borneo Territories to agree to the Malaysia Plan. 

The United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1514 is to allow or to have all colonies in the world to be decolonized and achieve independence from their colonial masters. This Resolution was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 14 December 1960. 

But, the Malaysia Plan by the British was not motivated by the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1514. 

It has to be noted that the Malaysia Plan was motivated by the need by United Kingdom, to release their colonies from their burden in maintaining their colonies. Records show that the British planned Malaysia since 1953 and therefore, I repeat, it has nothing to do with the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1514. 

It was the plan of the British in 1953 that their colonies in South East Asia has to join together to form a federation or a country. Hence, came the Malaysian Plan.

In order to ensure that the Malaysia Plan be executed smoothly and in compliance with the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1514 and international protocols, the British constituted the Cobbold Commission in 1962 headed by Lord Cobbold. Lord Cobbold was a former Bank Governor of Bank of England. 

In the Cobbold Commission, there were three British and two Malayans. The two Malayans were Dato’ Wong Pow Nee from Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) and Chief Minister of Penang and Ghazali Shafie, Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Malaya. 

There is no evidence that members of the Cobbold Commission could speak the local or native languages of the Borneo People. Without able to speak native language of Borneo people how could the members of the Cobbold Commission came to the conclusion that the people of Sarawak and Sabah wanted Malaysia to be formed? It could not be denied that this Cobbold Commission was to also to overcome the need for a referendum to determine the wishes of the people of Borneo Territories as required by UNGAR 1514.

The Cobbold Commission published its report on 1 August 1962 concluded that roughly only one-third of Sarawak’ population enthusiastically supported forming Malaysia, another one-third vehemently opposed, and the crucial remaining third of the population, though open to the idea, was yet to be convinced of the merits of independence through merger. The published report seems not correct because from available records, only 4,000 odd people were interviewed by the Cobbold Commission. Commonsense tells us that this is devoid of democracy! How could these people who were only about 4,000 odds were able to represent the voice of over a million people of North Borneo and Sarawak at that time to decide the fate or destiny of their countries?

From records and books by a several researchers, it is difficult to convince the people of Sarawak and Sabah not to come to the conclusion that the Cobbold Commission was not a scam that took away the intrinsic rights of peoples of Sarawak and Sabah to determine the fate of their countries and to gain independence.  

Besides two books by Professor Michael Leigh, The Rising Moon and the other ones Deals, Datus And Dayaks, there are two other books that we all in Sarawak, need to read concerning the creation of Malaysia. These two books are one, by Dr Matthew Jones “Conflict and Confrontation in South East Asia 1961-1965, Britain, the United States and the Creation of Malaysia (2001) and the other ones is by Dr Stanley S. Bedlington’s Malaysia and Singapore: The Building of New States (1978). 

Of course, the research work of AJ Stockwell and The Genesis of Konfrontasi: Malaysia, Brunei and Indonesia 1945-1965 by Dr Greg Poulgrain are “goldmines” that we all Sarawakians should read to find out the secrets on how Malaysia was created.

Dr. Bedlington mentioned that “local leaders in Sabah and Sarawak reacted strongly and adversely” to the Malaysia Plan.

Dr. Bedlington also mentioned that the Cobbold Commission as a “British contrivance activated and organized by British officials.” He said that the “Commission was an Anglo-Malayan exercise was immediately obvious from the fact that it did not include a single Bornean representative.”

The Cobbold Commission did not conduct any referendum in either British North Borneo or Sarawak to measure objectively the wishes and inclinations of the people on the issue of the “Malaysia” merger to assist in its enquiry. Bedlington added that the population of the two States was subjected to “sustained pressure” by British colonial officials to accept the merger. Records showed that those who opposed the Malaysia Plan were considered “subversives” and were arrested, assaulted and battered and many for fear of arrest and physical injuries had to run away and hid in the forests and took arms to resist their arrests. Many were branded as communists and terrorists and were shot dead. Those who are still alive said that they were forced by circumstances to join the clandestine organisation in their struggles to fight against Malaysia Plan.

Matthew Jones in his book noted that the Governors of the two crown colonies were sceptical of the Commission, with Governor Goode of British North Borneo calling the exercise “a farce’.

Therefore, it is clear that the true wishes of the majority of the populations of the two Borneo territories were seriously subverted, if not deliberately misconstrued and ignored. The voices of opposition to the merger were traduced. 

Surprising facts that have been censored or hidden from the public all these years, were revealed by Dr Greg Poulgrain, and, in the process, cast the whole project of Malaysia itself in a fundamentally different light. Poulgrain was able to combine archival research at the Colonial Office, U.K. with interviews of surviving protagonists of the formative era of Malaysia who had played various roles in that period, thereby challenging the conventional version of the formation of Malaysia. 

Poulgrain referred to a classified Colonial Office paper, “Political Objectives in British Territories of South East Asia” of 10th March, 1953, reveals that the British government (Her Majesty’s Government, or HMG) was “engaging in deliberate deception” for, while paying lip service to the Third Rajah’s aspiration for self-government for Sarawak which is embodied in the preamble to the 1941 Sarawak Constitution, Her Majesty’s Government was already planning for “some form of constitutional association” for the Borneo Territories and the Malaya/Singapore bloc coming together as a “British South-East Asia Dominion” in the early fifties. 

Commissioner-General Malcolm MacDonald On April 2, 1955, informed the British Secretary for the Colonies, Alan Lennox-Boyd, that “the Bornean leaders are perhaps less aware than those in Malaya of our grand design.” 


Despite that, Alan Lennox-Boyd on November 29, 1956, informed the Governor of North Borneo, Sir Roland Turnbull, “The possibility of a federation of North Borneo and Sarawak and indeed of all three Borneo territories ... is a matter for the people of the territories themselves to decide.” It was noted by Poulgrain that, at no time did Her Majesty’s Government envisage self-government by the people of Sarawak. 

However, it must be noted that the colonial officers in the two territories were initially adverse to the idea of a merger of the Borneo states with Malaya and Singapore which they considered premature. 

More concerned with their populations of different ethnicities living in harmony, they had in mind a more gradual move towards independence with the possibility of first forming a Borneon federation before a merger with their more politically savvy neighbours across the South China Sea, Malaya and Singapore. The “Borneo Proposal” was put forward in 1958, but, as Poulgrain notes, it was already foreshadowed by the 1953 paper. The Borneon proposal was in fact disparaged by the noted historian on South East Asian history, K.J. Tregonning as “a disguised MI5 exercise”. 

Despite that, it is still widely believed and propagated that the proposal for the “Malaysia” merger with the Borneo territories was made by then Prime Minister of Malaya, Tunku Abdul Rahman, on May 27, 1961, to the Foreign Correspondents’ Association Club in Singapore. The British allowed Tunku take the credit for what was in fact the British brainchild, given the potential of the material benefits at stake for Britain. 

It may be noted here that after the war, British interests in Malaya in the form of investments exceeded those that they had in India and the revenue from rubber and tin was sorely needed for post-war debt payment and reconstruction. The financial stake in having a peaceful merger of the Borneo territories and Singapore with Malaya was, therefore, huge. 

Lee Kuan Yew, having been elected the Prime Minister of Singapore, then assisted the British to push forward the idea of Malaysia, while at the same time, consolidating his own party’s position against that of the Barisan Socialis [Socialist Front] whom he characterised, together with the Chinese opposition in Sarawak, as having been directed to oppose the Malaysia plan by outside powers, namely, Indonesia and China. Lee between September 13 and October 9, 1961, made twelve radio broadcasts (published as The Battle for Merger) in favour of the merger. It seemed that Lee Kuan Yew had his own political agenda to have Malaysia formed.

The research work by Poulgrain, however, pointed to that the primary purpose for forming Malaysia was oil, not ethnicity, even though much was made in the press then and in the mainstream books since of the Tunku’s insistence in having the Borneo colonies aboard in order to balance out the large Chinese population in Singapore with the indigenous populations in the Borneo territories. 

The interviews by Poulgrain’s in 1991 with both Captain D.R. Gribble, and Captain Albert Young confirmed that the huge oilfield was known to the authorities in 1958, years before its “official discovery” in 1963. 


The British at that time were prepared to surrender the oil in Sarawak territory to the new federation under control of Malaya. Sir Anthony Abell, then Governor of Sarawak, in April 1956 observed in a communication to the Colonial Office that “the politicians in both Malaya and Singapore were showing considerable interest in the Borneo territories “including its empty spaces, its potential wealth, and its oil”. 

Poulgrain inexplicably added that it is “noteworthy” that the Governor could admit that Malaya had “imperialistic design” on the Borneo territories, and then to treat this as a reason for merger. 

It is also noted that Tunku Abdul Rahman in a series of conversations with Abdullah Ahmad, which was later published in 2016 in a book entitled, Conversations with Tunku Abdul Rahman candidly admitted thus: 


“Yes and they [the British] gave us Sarawak, Sabah and Singapore and so many other things in 1963 [with the formation of Malaysia]. The British could have given Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak independence, but they did not. Instead, they handed them to us”.

That’s how Cobbold Commission was used by the British to deny Sarawak the right to independence and to allow, in the words of, Tunku Abdul Rahman, to be handed to Malaya. From the words of Tunku Abdul Rahman, it should be clear to Sarawakians that 22 July is not Sarawak Independence Day as Sarawak had never been granted independence but was given to Malaya by the British.  

It was all because of empty spaces, potential wealth and oil that made Sarawak now be part or an enlarged Federation of Malaya, renamed the Federation of Malaysia. Therefore, the Federation of Malaysia is not a new federation or country. This new name was conveyed to the United Nations Secretariat by Dato’ Ong Yoke Lin of Malaya after Malaysia Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak became part of the federation of Malaya effective 16 September, 1963 by way of Malaysia Agreement 1963.
The people of Sarawak needs to know the Truth because it is the Truty that sets us free. May God Bless this Land of Sarawak and her people. 


VOON LEE SHAN
President, Parti Bumi Kenyalang
26 September, 2024

Tuesday, 24 September 2024

Demand for 45%of federal seats allocation or secede for good

No, Dewan Negara has no veto power, No! 

Sarawak and Sabah should demand 45% federal seats allocation or secede for good.

It is meaningless to stay in the federation of Malaysia @Malaya when Sarawak and Sabah are at the mercy of the colonial masters.

Malaysia @Malaya is a federation with 3 nations. Thus,it is blatantly irrational to take it as an entity to practise one person one vote in the election.

The present parliament has been meant for Malaya, not the right place for Sarawak and Sabah.

Bear in mind that Sarawak and Sabah joined the federation with Malaya, not with the 11 states.

The present parliament is over populated with the representatives from the 11 states of Malaya as against the principle of equal partnership.

No, SS should not be in this parliament meant for the federation of Malaya.

No, it is not appropriate for SS to be in this parliament, No!

SS really looks awkward in this parliament.

If you think this arrangement of federal seats allocation is not fair, Malaya @Malaysia can also opt for secession for good, why not?

Friday, 20 September 2024

Prof James Chin rejects NGO suggestion that Sabah and Sarawak be given 1/3 of the seats in Dewan Negara September 16, 2024

 

 KOTA KINABAlU: James Chin have rejected Project SAMA’s and other Malayan- based NGOs’ suggestion that Sabah and Sarawak should be allocated 35% of the seats in Dewan Negara rather than Dewan Rayat.

 

He said this proposition is yet another evidence of Malaya-based organisations’ lack of understanding of the Borneo states’ historical grievances and claim to one-third of parliament seats in both Houses.

 

According to Prof James Chin, the leading scholar of contemporary Sabah and Sarawak, there are numerous reasons why Sabah and Sarawak should reject the Dewan Negara proposal, which he describes as a “trick” to maintain the status quo. He provided five key reasons why the Borneo states must reject the suggestions and insist on 1/3 seats in both House of Parliament.

 

First, the Dewan Negara has minimal political legitimacy in Malaysian politics because it is a totally appointed House.  Its members are not directly elected by the populace.

 

That is why, for many years, debates in the Dewan Negara have received less attention than those in the Dewan Rakyat. Furthermore, many of individuals nominated to Dewan Negara are viewed as ‘reward’ for post-political service.

Hence the significant number of retired politicians in the Dewan Negara.

 

Second, all major legislations are introduced in the Dewan Rakyat, where the actual discussion occurs. The Dewan Negara only debates laws enacted by the Dewan Rakyat and hence lacks the legislative authority to block significant bills.

 

Third, all major political players, including the prime minister, his deputies, and the majority of ministries, are from the Dewan Rakyat. Ministers from Dewan Negara are commonly regarded as “backdoor” ministers because they are appointed to the Dewan Negara in order to serve as ministers. This alone demonstrates that the political establishment views the Dewan Rakyat as more significant than the Dewan Negara.

 

Fourth, in practice, the Dewan Negara has no real power to block laws other than to delay them. The one-third seats are designed to restore Sabah and Sarawak’s ability to block constitutional amendments if they disagree with Malaya.

 

Fifth, it is clear that the original intention of the framers of the Constitution wanted Singapore, North Borneo and Sarawak to hold a veto over Malaya. This is to ensure that Malaya cannot alter the Federal constitution at will.

 

Under para 19 of the IGC report it states:

Federal Legislature
(1) Two members of the Senate should be elected for each Borneo State in accordance with Article 45 (1) (a) of the Constitution. Article 45 (1) (b) of the Constitution should be amended to increase the number of appointed members of the Senate by six in respect of the accession of North Borneo and Sarawak to Malaysia.

 

 An assurance should be given that, on the occasion of the first appointments of these additional members after Malaysia Day, at least two would be appointed from North Borneo and at least two from Sarawak after consultation with the Chief Minister of the State concerned.

 

(2) Article 46 (1) should be amended to increase the number of elected members of the House of Representatives from one hundred and four to one hundred and fifty-nine (including the fifteen proposed for Singapore). Of the additional members sixteen should be elected in North Borneo and twenty-four in Sarawak.

 

The proportion that the number of seats allocated respectively to Sarawak and to North Borneo bears to the total number of seats in the House should not be reduced (except by reason of the granting of seats to any other new State) during a period of seven years after Malaysia Day without the concurrence of the Government of the State concerned, and thereafter (except as aforesaid) shall be subject to Article 159 (3) of the existing Federal Constitution (which requires Bills making amendments to the Constitution to be supported in each House of Parliament by the votes of not less than two-thirds of the total number of members of that House).

Under The Malaysia Agreement 1963, Chapter 3 para 9, it states:

(i) The House of Representatives shall consist of one hundred and fifty-nine elected members.
(2) There shall be—
(a) one hundred and four member from the States of Malaya ;

(b) sixteen members from Sabah ;
(c) twenty-four members from Sarawak ;
(d) fifteen members from Singapore.

 

It was clear that Singapore, (Sabah) North Borneo and Sarawak did not want Malaya to dominate Parliament in respect of Constitutional amendments. In the MSCC notes and Cobbold Report, it was made clear that the peoples of North Borneo and Sarawak was of the view that Malaya should not dominate the new federation.

Thus, under the formula, the parliamentary seats in the proposed Malaysian Federation was distributed to ensure that Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak had veto power by ensuring that they had slightly more than one third of the seats in Parliament.
Malaya: 104; Sabah: 16; Sarawak: 24 and Singapore: 15

104 : 55 ------à  65% : 35%

 

When Singapore left the Federation in 1965, its 15 Parliamentary seats out of the 159 were not redistributed to Sarawak or Sabah. This was a historical error that needs to be rectified. As time went by, the number of Parliamentary seats of Malaya grew to more than two third of the total Malaysia Parliament seats.

Prof Chin hopes that the peoples of Sabah and Sarawak understands the proper context of asking for 1/3 of the seats in Parliament and not be fooled by NGOs in Malaya who have their own agenda.

Prof James Chin is the leading authority of political developments in Sabah and Sarawak and the most cited-scholar on East Malaysian politics. A Sarawakian, he is currently a professor of Asian Studies at the University of Tasmania, Australia.

 

Thursday, 19 September 2024

去年2023年砂石油天然气的收入是100亿令吉

去年2023,砂就从石油天然气的销售税,开采税和股息来自Petronas在砂拉越的经济活动中获得100亿令吉。

总理AbangJo就高兴到不得了。

如果,砂独立了,这些资源全留在砂发展,那会是怎样情形?在这失败的联邦内,咱们永远是面对超级大的亏本,何苦呢?

同胞们咱们一起勇敢的,全心全意支持独立派吧!

我好期待砂人都转向支持独立,一起创造砂拉越独立的奇迹和奇景。

Last year, Sarawak secured RM10 billion from oil and gas sales tax, royalties and dividends from Petronas’ economic activities in Sarawak.

Prime Minister AbangJo was extremely happy.

What would happen if Sarawak became independent and all these resources remained in Sarawak for development? In this failed federation, we will always face huge losses, so why bother?

Fellow compatriots, together let us be brave and support the independence faction wholeheartedly!

I really hope that Sarawakians will turn to support independence and work together to create the miracle and wonder of Sarawak’s independence.

Wednesday, 18 September 2024

Politics and laws

*Politics & Law*

Politics and law are like a web. They entangled with each other and not separable.

We need to be more sensitive about bad things politics can cause to society and we should not lost focus about the damage politics can cause to society and to Sarawak.

We cannot look at the law without understanding how politics can influence law to destroy our society. 

PDA74 is a product of politics to rob, steal and kill the wellbeing of Sabah and Sarawak.

 Since it is politics that caused PDA74 being passed by the federal Parliament, we should not think PDA74 could no more be valid just because the emergency has been lifted. 

This is because Parliament under the control of Malaya may not wish to remove or repeal PDA74 

Our argument that PDA74 is automatically repealed when emergency is lifted is a sound argument but could not buy the court. This is because the judiciary is controlled by Malaya and Malaya has to ensure they are in control of the judiciary and the judges.

Therefore, if PETRONAS is to bring a suit to court, the suit can seal that fate of Sarawak and Sabah in the coffin about the taking back of the oil and gas resources if the court rules that PDA74 is valid and MA63 is also valid. It is very likely that the court may rule in favour of PETRONAS because it is unthinkable that the court would wish to see Malaya to become a bankrupt. This is because most if not all people know that Malaya can be in financial problems without the money from oil and gas resources of Sabah and Sarawak. This can be politics involving the judiciary where law can be disregarded and court come with policy decisions to save Malaysia or Malaya from bankruptcy.

It can be politics at work in court too and it was for this reason we decided not to appeal against the decision of the High Court in our PBK suit because to appeal can destroy our mission to gain independence. 

But the judgment of the high court gave us the strategies on how we can fight for independence from Malaysia in the future. 

The court hinted that only the state government has the locus standi or stand to bring suits including declaring MA63 invalid and to seek Sarawak independence through the court, but we will not pursue this line of strategy to exit by using the court because we know we cannot get what we want through the court.

 If Sarawak wants exit, PBK has to be the state government. Once PBK is the state government, PBK has to follow Singapore's strategy to exit. That is, to use politics to create problems to federal government by demanding certain terms to be fulfilled within a time frame. We need to give terms that could not be fulfilled by Malaya and once terms could not be fulfilled, Sarawak under PBK should declare exit from Malaysia. This should be a legal and peaceful exit by avoiding bloodshed but by way of politics and political strategies like how Singapore did.


Voon Lee Shan 
10 September 2024
Revised 2010 hrs 11/09

*為什麼我們有合法權利為砂拉越尋求獨立* ?

 自 1974 年起,魔術就開始了! 馬來亚人利用他們的政治技巧克服所有法律障礙,吞併砂拉越和沙巴作為他們的領土。

 我們必須指出,馬來亞是自 1962 年起進入緊急狀態,這違反了聯合國非殖民化法律,並一直保持額外的緊急狀態聲明,直到 2011 年全部解除。

 換句話說,1963年後在砂勞越和沙巴實施的整個法律和結構都是非法的。 

 *也就是說,馬來西亞是一個國家,在事实上由馬來亞軍事佔領沙巴和砂拉越並從 1963 年開始鎮壓獨立運動。

 這不需要法庭來確認。 緊急状态是事實,馬來亞巫統政府承認某些法律不符合憲法和約束力,但它們方便地排除了 1966 年大陸架法案(CSA66)、1974 年石油發展法案(PDA74)和新經濟政策(新經濟政策)結構。 

 僅此一點就使馬來亞根據馬來西亞計劃進行的接管是非法的,因為顯然人民從未同意這樣做。 

 這也是MA63無效的三大法律原因之一。 另外兩個問題是新加坡、沙巴和砂勞越(SSS)缺乏簽署MA63的法定地位,以及作為英國冷戰軍事戰略的一部分而將新加坡留在馬來西亞的非法目標。 

 國際法院 (lCJ) 在 2019 年查戈斯群島案中也處理了這 3 點。

 PBK將繼續為砂拉越獨立而戰,因為我們現在都知道馬來西亞不是根據既定的國際法和協議成立的,並且將砂拉越收購為馬來亞的一部分是非法的,因為它違背了人民的意願由於欺騙、恐嚇、騷擾、脅迫、賄賂、欺騙、扭曲事實和許多不正當手段。

 PBK 將繼續以合法和和平的方式爭取砂拉越脫離馬來西亞。

 第一步將是成為砂拉越政府,我們需要告訴我們的人民這個過程,然後我們才能執行其他策略來獲得獨立。

 上苍拯救 PBK,上苍拯救砂拉越!

 *温利山* 
 *肯雅蘭全民黨* 
 2024 年 9 月 11 日