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Monday, 29 May 2023

我对“诉讼案”的看法和希望

       *我对"诉讼案"的看法和希望* 
( 俞诗东 29-05-2023 )

     以13位砂拉越子民:多鲁斯卡丹祖曼.诺雅威.哈维亚吉纳法.泽麦亞烏吉.伯拉勇雅丹.加莱希勃.Yu Chin Liik.Chieng Kung Chiew.章杰玛邦.阿末阿旺阿里和乔瓦尼阿德利,(姓名摘自星洲日报)向古晋高庭申请废除1963立国契约的诉讼案,经一年多审理及多次展延后,终于5月25日宣判。
      (注明:第一次上诉时有13位原告,华族佔15.4%,其他伊班丶比达友丶馬来丶马兰诺族佔84.6%。在案件审理过程有两位伊班原告逝世,宣判日只有上述11位原告。我只知道伊班原告之一是Serijin Ak Ubong,谁会懂的另一位伊班原告姓名,望能将之记录载入史册)

    我有几点看法和希望与大家交流。

 *1,诉讼案是失败了吗?* 

    请看高庭法官亞历山大萧的判词:...."12名起诉人没有权利提出诉讼,同时也指有关的诉讼无法持续....砂拉越和沙巴是马来西亞的一部分,根据联邦宪珐,若要沙巴和砂脱离马来西亞,需要修改联邦宪法,而不是由民事法院决定"。

      砂拉越政府提出申请,要求驳回此案,理由是"高等法院无权执行或疲除像立国契约的国际条约"。

     根据上述判决,我的解读是:

甲,13位勇士上诉并没有錯,只是錯在是在马来西亚的法庭上诉,法庭无权接受。

乙,只是因为马来西亞的法庭(包括古晋高庭)旡权审理或废除像立国契約的国际条约。

      原告是无罪的。要付还诉讼费,(不是罰款,更不是赔偿)只是"过堂费"。

     结论是,诉讼是不被接受,不是失败。

 *2,提出诉讼的重大意义* 

     一,温利山律师带头以合法的手段从法律上挑战mA63的合法性,从法律角度揭示当年砂拉越人民反殖反马斗争的历史事实,这在砂拉越政治史上是创造性的,是要有很大的勇气和高智慧。

     二,13位砂拉越子民敢于挑战mA63的合法性,在当前的国內外形势下,无疑须要准备面对牺牲个人利益(包括坐牢)的考验。起诉马来西亚的合法性,这是砂拉越历史上第一宗。他们的壮举又一次为砂拉越人民树立了不畏强权的好榜样。

      三,根据马耒西亞的政治环境,要解决mA63是否合法,肯定须要经过国际与论什至国际法庭的介入,这次的诉讼已经为走向国际做了第一步准备。
      如果说''一个国家成立6O年內,没有遭到国内子民上诉法庭,这个国家就是合法的"。在温利山等律师的帶头下,已将砂拉越子民的反对声音,在马来西亞强行成立6O周年前,在古晋高庭在国际留下永不磨灭的纪录。也为延续将来斗争开创新局面。

       四,13位英勇子民的壮举,再一次告诉砂拉越人民,从法律上挑战mA63的非法性,不是神圣不可侵犯的。好比十年前砂人民刚刚揭示马来西亞联邦侵犯mA63权益时的恐惧心理,深怕会触及内安法令一样。我相信再过若干年,人们讨论mA63是否合法?也会像今天人们谈论争取和捍卫主权那么的习以为常。这就是先鋒作用的重大意义。

     我的希望是砂拉越新届选举很快就要来到,乘着诉讼案暂告一段落的时后,党中央应集中人力和物力,积极宣传教育组织群众的工作,争取新届选举到耒时,有所突破。

      从诉讼的判决中,清楚看到只有夺取或争取砂拉越政府,才有权力促使国会修宪,也只有充份动员砂拉越人民作党的坚强后盾,我们的斗争才有希望,這是重中之重。包括"诉讼"做为一种鋪助手段,也只有充份动员群众才有希望。 

    

Sunday, 28 May 2023

The Baram Regatta

Shared by Diana Ningkan 

The Baram Regatta 1966

1996, the small town of Marudi,
in Sarawak's Fourth Division, 
was the scene of 
an international gathering.

Thousands of Central Borneo
Tribesmen, as well as Chinese,
Malay and European converged
on the town, situated some 350
miles north-east of Kuching. 
The reason for their visit was to 
witness one of the most 
colourful & spectacular events 
of the year - The Baram River 
Regatta.

The first Baram Regatta 
was held 70 years ago. The
biennial event has been the 
biggest in the calendar for the  
Kelabit, Kenyah, and Iban 
longhouse dwellers of Central 
Borneo.

The Regatta, held on May 14 
and 15, brought excitement to 
Marudi. The spectators travelled 
in motor launches which took 
one day's outboard journey from 
the remote areas along the 
Baram River.

Source: Reuters

Photo showed L-R
Tun Jugah ak Barieng
Tan Sri Stephen Kalong Ningkan
Tun Abdul Razak 
Unidentified headman (could be Tmg Oyong Lawai Jau)
Tan Sri Ong Kee Hui

Friday, 26 May 2023

温利山:法院对MA63的判决

温利山:法院对 MA63 的判决

 感谢媒体和媒体工作人员於昨天报道有关 MA63 诉讼的裁决讯息。

 对于关注新闻的砂拉越人和沙巴人,我们也感谢您对这起诉讼的兴趣。

 我们知道很难让法庭接受我们的论点,但我们已经达到了目的。

 我们感谢博学的司法专员 YA Alexander Siew 耐心指导原告的法律团队,确保案件在他面前的辩论中顺利进行。 我们知道,MA63诉讼涉及太多新奇的法律问题,对于任何法官来说都不是一件容易处理的事情。

 媒体报道称马来西亚的成立涉及欺诈和虚假陈述,这是一个信息,我们希望所有砂拉越人和沙巴人都知道,根据我们的拙见和我们的记录,我们被“欺骗”和拿走了我们的祖国, 海洋财富、石油和天然气资源,我们通过寻求法院调查此事来寻求收回它们。 由于这些原因,PBK 支持原告在法庭上解决这些问题。

 法院裁定只有砂拉越州政府才有资格寻求废除 1963 年马来西亚协议(MA63)的事实现在很清楚,砂拉越政府在法庭上追究此事的责任已落在脚下 寻求法院废除 MA63。 砂拉越政府作为砂拉越人民权利和自然资源的受托人或监护人,应该维护砂拉越人民的权利。

 根据 1974 年石油发展法令和议会通过的法律,砂拉越没有理由将她的海洋财富、石油和天然气资源输给联邦政府。

 肯雅兰全民感到遗憾的是,现任砂拉越政府领导下的砂拉越政府决定不支持原告的案件,而是与联邦政府一起寻求取消原告的案件。

 PBK也对砂拉越倡导者协会没有派代表观看这起MA63案的简报表示遗憾。 这是一个影响数百万砂拉越人和沙巴人的公共利益案件,但砂拉越倡导者协会似乎没有跟进诉讼程序。 我们相信,作为律师和砂拉越人,砂拉越维权协会的成员应该对诉讼表现出特别的兴趣。

 有市民问我为什么砂拉越律师公会没有代表出席法庭程序,但我必须说,砂拉越律师公会应该知道法庭的诉讼程序。

 温利山
 肯雅兰全民党主席
 2023 年 5 月 26 日
[26/05, 11:32 pm] yuchinliik: PRESS STATEMENT 

Re: Decision by court on MA63 

Thanks to members of the press who covered the decision or news on the MA63 Suit yesterday. 

To Sarawakians and Sabahans who followed the news we also thank you for your interest in this suit.

We know it was tough to get court to buy our argument but we have achieved our purpose. 

We thank the learned Judicial Commissioner YA Alexander Siew for his patience and guidance to the legal team for the Plaintiffs in ensuring the case went on smoothly during arguments before him. We know MA63 Suit is not easy for any judge to handle because of too many novel issues of law involved. 

With the reporting in the press to say fraud and misrepresentation were involved in the formation of Malaysia is a message we wanted all Sarawakians and Sabahans to know that in our humble opinion and from records we have, we had been "cheated" of our motherland, marine wealth, oil and gas resources in which we have sought to take them back by seeking the court to look into the matter. For these reasons PBK was supportive of the plaintiffs to have these matters settled before the court. 

The fact that the court had ruled that only the state government of Sarawak has the locus standi to seek the nullification of the Malaysia Agreement 1963(MA63) is now clear that the ball is at the feet of the Sarawak government to pursue the matter in court to seek court to nullify MA63. The Sarawak government being the trustee or custodian of people's rights and natural resources of Sarawak should pursue the rights of people of Sarawak. 

There is no reason for Sarawak losing her marine wealth, oil and gas resources to the federal government under the Petroleum Development Act 1974 and under laws passed in parliament. 

Parti Bumi Kenyalang regrets that the current Sarawak government under GPS had decided not to support the plaintiffs' case but together with the federal government had sought to strike out the case of the plaintiffs. 

PBK also expressed its regret that the Sarawak Advocates Association did not send any representative for watching brief of this MA63 case. This is a case of public interest which affects millions of Sarawakians and Sabahans but Sarawak Advocates Association had not appeared to follow the proceedings. We believe that being lawyers and Sarawakians themselves, the members of the Sarawak Advocates Association should have shown special interest in the suit.

I was asked by members of the public why Sarawak Advocates Association had no representatives attending the court proceedings but I have to say that Sarawak Advocates Association could have known of the proceedings before the court. 

VOON LEE SHAN 
President Parti Bumi Kenyalang 

26 May 2023

Kelantan government sued Federal government of Malaya over MA63

Here is a historical fact for your reference
( 下面一则历史事实供大家参考)
:

Kelantan government sues Federal government of Malaya, seeks court to declare MA63 invalid
( 吉兰丹政府起诉马来亚联邦政府,寻求法院宣判MA63无效 )


11 September 1963 

The Kelantan State Government sued the Federal Government of Malaya, seeking the court to declare MA63 invalid as it violated the Federation of Malaya Agreement and without consulting the rulers of Malaya and Kelantan The Federal Constitution was amended to admit 3 new members (North Borneo, Sarawak, Singapore) with the consent of the government and without the consent of other state governments. The sole presiding judge ruled that MA63 was not invalid but said he acted under intense political pressure to bring about the Malaysian Proclamation on 16 September 1963. The Kelantan government could have appealed the above decisions, but they did not.

( 1963 年 9 月 11 日     吉兰丹州政府起诉马来亚联邦政府,寻求法院宣告 MA63 无效,因为它违反了《马来亚联合邦协议》,并在没有征求马来亚统治者和吉兰丹政府的同意,也没有征求其他州政府的同意下,就修改联邦宪法以接纳 3 名新成员(北婆罗洲、砂拉越、新加坡)。 唯一的主审法官判决 MA63 并非无效,但表示,他是在巨大的政治压力下行事,以促成 1963 年 9 月 16 日马来西亚得以公告。吉兰丹政府原可以对相关的上述决定提出上诉,但结果他们并没有如此做。)

Courts often refer to successful cases as the basis for judging new cases.
So this Kelantan case, can it reflect the wrongdoing of the defendant's lawyer and the judge's disregard of the plaintiff's right to sue MA63?

( 法庭时常提到的是成功的案例,以作为其判断新案的依据。
那么这个吉兰丹的这个案例,是否可以反衬出被告律师的理亏和法官的无视原告可以控告MA63 的权利? )

Tuesday, 23 May 2023

砂燕窝业

砂燕窝业 24/5/23 Wed
燕子是天然资源。燕农要采集燕子,必须下大成本建燕屋,买器材引燕。这也是很费时,还要下真功夫,辛苦引燕和养燕的血汗事业。燕农理应是归于农业部的项目。燕农申请燕屋执照是合情理的事。燕农绝对会配合到家。可是,在1998年野生动物保护法令使森林部有无限可能去干预燕农的事业。甚至要求燕农申请买卖执照,这是多么离谱的事。

同时,制造困难申请,因此,这机构就制造很多非法营运的燕农和燕商。燕农和燕商接着就不间断的被森林局骚扰和掠夺。这让无数百姓揣测嫌疑森林部利用肮脏的手段来抢夺燕农和燕商的血汗财富。全心全意想不劳而获,坐享事成,看起来他们已经成为变相的恶霸。

森林局再配合警察一条龙的举动,燕农燕商肯定死翘翘。所以,2023年5月3日, 森林局带着警察上美丹商业中心向4位有买卖执照的燕商下手,充公价值250万令吉的燕窝,强行夺走。以莫虚名的理由说燕窝货源来自非法燕农,这已经引起无限公愤。

这对燕农商业造成无限的伤害,也影响整10万多砂人从事跟燕窝业相关的工作。森林局这次的大搅局大举动是自私自利不顾后果。我认为这些的官爷们的任意行为必须受到严厉惩罚。

森林局如此横行霸道,粗暴野蛮对待燕农燕商是部长先生,女士和小姐们对该单位监管不利。掀开他们过去黑史,扣留,充公非法伐木之后,自行拍卖当然是自肥腰包。 今天,制造无数非法燕农,充公燕农引燕器材和灯光设备,还有采光燕窝,也自行拍卖。这种行为变成森林局的常态。

部长们必须审查和修正1998年野生动物保护法令把爪哇金丝燕和大金丝燕从野生动物保护名单内移出。之后,把燕农归纳在农业局范畴内,森林局就从此也出局了。

据报道,联邦政府在2009年就修宪修改野生动物保护法令的第176条文,并在2010年在宪报上公布,将爪哇金丝燕和大金丝燕从野生动物名单移出。从此,我们看到马来半岛那边的燕窝业获得良好的发展。

反观咱们砂燕窝业处处面对森林局无限的刁难,限制,破坏和掠夺。只要修正这法令,砂燕窝业就会逢勃发展起来。燕窝业“对社会福利,就业机会和外汇收入都可以带来很多的益处”。 还有燕农和燕商需要砂政府的支持和关注以保证燕窝业获得良好发展。 有政府的配合,还有燕农和燕商对引燕知识和认知,就可以轻易解决燕屋的噪音,卫生等等的问题。燕窝业对整体砂人都是有益处的。

重拳出击(4)James Chin Podcast 5

重拳出击(四):James Chin Podcast 5
James 问既然,马联邦有提供法院补救任何联邦政府的缺失或犯规。法院有提供这些方便,沙砂政府为什么不用呢?

Fong辩护说在2018年,砂政府有入禀法庭寻求公道(我说有史以来,第一次),当希盟联邦政府拒绝付费MA63规定的可以抽10%的石油天然气的销售税而砂只要求5%。

Petronas当时要妨止砂政府使用砂拉越的法律来调节石油天然气工业,但砂政府坚持立场。

让我补充一下这点,在2/2020, 希盟倒台了。在阴差阳错下,也在马联邦元首的操作下,和砂政府的支持下,慕尤丁便任相。之后,他允许砂抽5%的石油天然气的销售税。这5%是相等于30亿令吉。

2018年之前,砂政府从来没有向Petronas 征收石油和天然气的销售。这之前,Petronas 和其他石油公司从来没有申请开采准证等等。

在2013年之前,砂国阵是完全受控于马联邦国阵的淫威,跟这政治集团是狼狈为奸,吃里扒外和理应外合。当马联邦做出种种违规违宪的行为时,砂政府完全没有采取任何行动。

James认为有很多社会活跃分子都认为PDA违宪,因为砂首长个人未经砂议会通过,签署石油归属权力给Petronas。

Fong讲解说数十年来PDA74的合法性和合宪性一直引起争端。

联邦政府在联邦议会里通过PDA74成立Petronas。但是,Petronas在砂境内的权力只限于开采权是受限于联邦宪法A32在足够补偿下才能生效。

在1975,PDA74签署文件中,并没有书写规定给5% 现金补偿。过去,Petronas完全没有准证在沙砂开采石油和天然气的一切活动是违宪的,完全不符合MA63规定。

从2018年7月1日开始,Petronas必须受限于砂石油开采条例/OMO。按照马联邦宪法73条,OMO在马联邦成立后,还是可以继续使用。因此,Petronas必须遵守砂OMO,申请准证在砂及其大陆架采矿

其实,对于PDA74争议不断,Fong前后有书写给联邦两个总检察长Tan Sri Affendi Ali 和Tan Sri Tommy Thomas. 他建议马联邦和砂政府就联邦宪法A1281(B)上法联邦法院求判决以一劳永逸解决PDA74引起的争端。

他也有建议联邦总检察长就A130法令,上联邦法院咨询意见,可是,他的建议全被否决。

我猜马联邦心中有鬼,他们知道PDA74,压根儿对马联邦完全不利,所以,不愿意入禀法院一次过搞定它。

Fong认为如果有司法裁决,未来政治领导才能决定该做什么。

具有里程碑意义的法院判决

具有里程碑意义的法院判决 高等法院裁定联邦宪法第 122AB 条无效

KOTA KINABALU:在一项具有里程碑意义的决定中,高等法院在这里宣布联邦宪法第 122AB 条关于国家元首(TYT)为沙巴和砂拉越任命司法专员的条款无效。

法官拿督David Wong裁定,1994 年取消沙巴和砂拉越 TYT 任命司法专员/大法官的权力的修正案是无效的,因为它是在未经两州同意的情况下进行的。

在允许退休警察Robert Linggi对联邦政府提起的诉讼中,法官David还宣布了《司法任命委员会法》(JAC)第 37 条,该条授权首相通过公报修改该法的任何条款,无效和空白。

然而,他驳回了Keningau的Robert的说法,即《司法任命委员会法》(第 37 条除外)违宪。

在他于 2009 年 3 月 13 日提交的诉讼中,由律师Datuk Lawrence Thien代表的罗伯特,除其他外,要求法院宣布联邦取消两国元首权力任命沙巴和砂拉越高等法院司法专员/大法官无效。

大卫在 3 月 15 日提交的长达 39 页的书面判决书中表示,不可争辩的事实是联邦政府没有获得沙巴和砂拉越各自国家元首的同意下取消沙砂元首任命大法官的权力。

在 1994 年 6 月 24 日修订联邦宪法第 122A(3)和(4)条之前,沙巴和砂拉越高等法院的司法专员的任命可由各自的 TYTs 根据行政长官的建议任命沙巴和砂拉越高等法院法官(现称首席法官)。

“1994 年 6 月 24 日之后发生的事情是,沙巴和砂拉越元首任命司法专员的权力已被 1994 年宪法(修正案)法令(1994 年修正案)取消,该法令纳入了新的第 122AB 条同样的宪法,”他说。

大卫说,第 161E(2) 条禁止在未经各 TYT 同意的情况下修改联邦宪法,“如果该修正案会影响(联邦)宪法在沙巴和砂拉越高等法院的宪法和管辖权方面的运作。

“在我看来,‘1994年修正案 ’无疑‘ 影响了’联邦宪法的运作,因为它取消了沙砂元首任命高等法院司法专员的权力。

David说,考察联邦宪法的历史背景,也可以得出同样的结论。

他指出,起点是1962年政府间委员会(IGC)的报告和1963年7月8日的马来西亚协议。

IGC 包含沙巴和砂拉越同意组建马来西亚的条款和条件,这反映在马来西亚协议的第八条中,Wong 补充说,该建议在废除的第 122a(3) 和 (4) 条中是根深蒂固的联邦宪法。

“因此,可以说‘1994年修正案’违反了IGC报告,该报告就所有意图和目的而言,规定了沙巴和砂拉越在成立马来西亚方面的权利。

“这些权利是受保护的权利,要取消该权利必须获得沙砂元首/Yang di-Pertua Negeri 的同意。因此,可以推断,被废除的联邦宪法第122A条第3款和第4款(即IGC第3章第26(15)段)只能在得到沙砂元首同意后才能废除任命沙巴和砂拉越大法官/JC。

“因此,我认为‘1994年修正案’是无效的,因此,就取消沙巴和砂拉越元首任命司法专员/JC的权力而言,它是无效的,”他说。

针对2009年司法任命委员会法令(第695号法令)的制定是否违宪、无效的问题,大卫认为,2009年司法任命委员会法令(JAC法令)于2009年2月2日生效。

“通过 2009 年 JAC 法令,成立了司法委任委员会(JAC),主要是向首相推荐被委任为司法专员或法官的候选人,或将现任法官晋升至高等法院。

“我同意被告律师的意见,JAC 法案只是提供了一个程序,让 JAC 审查法官候选人,”他说。

看过相关规定后,David表示有一点很清楚,那就是JAC的所有职能都是向首相推荐合格的法官候选人,而这些推荐仍然是“推荐”,只是因为首相有全部自由裁量权。首相不受联邦宪法第 122AB 条和第 122B 条规定所影响。

“但是,JAC 法案中没有规定何时进行选择合适候选人的过程。是在咨询相关法官之前还是之后?

“《联邦宪法》第 122Ab 和 122B 条规定,‘首相还没向最高元首提出建议任命任何法官之前,应先咨询’相关法官。

“这种咨询义务是一项宪法义务,只能通过三分之二的国会议员投票修正案才能明确取消联邦宪法。

“当然没有这样的宪法修正案,因此必须根据宪法的咨询义务来阅读 JAC 法案,”他说。

换句话说,Davod认为司法委员会的建议是首相受制于职责义务必须咨询相关的法官。

“因此,2009 年 JAC 法案第 28 条不应被理解为没有要求当时的首相在根据联邦宪法第 122AB 和 122B 条提出建议之前,先咨询相关法官,否则,将使第 28 节越权被解读为联邦宪法。

“最后,至于 JAC 法令第 37 条文,无论以何种方式解读,它赋予首相权力,以刊登公报的方式修改 JAC 法令的任何条款。对 JAC 法案的任何修正或与此相关的任何立法都是立法权的行使。

“联邦宪法所体现的三权分立原则规定,只有议会才能制定或修改法律。因此,我别无选择,只能认为 JAC 第 37 条无效,因为它违反了联邦宪法。

“这一发现现在当然是学术性的,因为该条款有两年的日落条款,然后太阳从 2011 年 2 月 9 日开始落山,”他补充说。

针对代表联邦政府的高级联邦法律顾问Suzana Atan和Narkunavathy Sundereson认为Robert没有法定资格提起诉讼,法官裁定“所有马来西亚人都有责任保护我们的宪法”。

他说,身为沙巴人,Robert真心诚意的关心沙巴和砂拉越高等法院的宪法和管辖权以及该法院法官的任命、罢免和停职方面的权利受到侵蚀。

“我毫不犹豫地发现原告有法定资格提起诉讼。

“我完全理解这可能会鼓励诉讼的论点,但我认为,要挑战和废除国家最高法时,应该鼓励诉讼,”David补充道。

Borneo Post Online
Landmark court decision High Court rules Article 122AB of Federal Constitution null and void
BY KELIMEN SAWATAN ON MARCH 18, 2011, FRIDAY AT 1:28 PMSABAH

KOTA KINABALU: In a landmark decision, the High Court here has declared Article 122AB of the Federal Constitution on the appointment of Judicial Commissioners by the Heads of State (TYTs) for Sabah and Sarawak, null and void.

Justice Datuk David Wong Dak Wah ruled that the 1994 amendment to the provision for the removal of the power of the TYTs for Sabah and Sarawak to appoint Judicial Commissioner was invalid as it was done without the consent of the two states.

In allowing the suit brought by retired policeman Robert Linggi against the Federal Government, David also declared Section 37 of the Judicial Appointments Commission Act (JAC), which empowers the Prime Minister to amend any provisions of the Act by way of a gazette, null and void.

He however dismissed the claim by Robert, who is from Keningau, that the Judicial Appointments Commission Act (except for section 37) was unconstitutional.

In his suit filed on March 13, 2009 Robert, who was represented by counsel Datuk Lawrence Thien, had, among others, sought declaration from the court that the removal of the power of appointment of judicial commissioners to the High Court of Sabah and Sarawak by the heads of the two States null and void.

In his 39-page written judgement delivered on March 15, David said it was not disputed that no consent was obtained from the respective Heads of State for Sabah and Sarawak.

Prior to amendments to Article 122A (3) and (4) of the Federal Constitution on June 24, 1994, the appointment of judicial commissioners to the High Court of Sabah and Sarawak may be appointed by the respective TYTs acting on the advice of the Chief Justice (now known as Chief Judge) of the High Court of Sabah and Sarawak.

“What happened after 24th June 1994 is that the power of the respective Yang di-Pertua Negeri of Sabah and Sarawak to appoint judicial commissioners has been taken away by the Constitution (Amendment) Act 1994 (1994 Amendments) which incorporated a new Article 122AB of the same constitution,” he said.

David said that Article 161E(2) prohibits amendments to the Federal Constitution without the consent of the respective TYTs “if the amendment is such as to affect the operation of the (Federal) Constitution as regards the constitution and jurisdiction of the High Court of Sabah and Sarawak.

“The ‘1994 Amendment’ in my mind had no doubt ‘affected the operation’ of the Federal Constitution as it had removed the power of appointment of judicial commissioners to the High Court by the Yang di-Pertua Negeri.

“Hence, when the ‘1994 Amendment’ was introduced without the consent of the respective Yang di-Pertua Negeri, it contravened Article 161E (2) (b) of the Federal Constitution,” he held.

David said that the same conclusion can be reached by looking into the historical background of the Federal Constitution.

He pointed out that the starting point was the report of the Inter-Government Committee, 1962 (IGC) and the Malaysia Agreement dated July 8, 1963.

The IGC contained the terms and conditions in which Sabah and Sarawak agreed to form Malaysia and this is reflected in Article VIII of the Malaysia Agreement, said Wong, adding that the recommendation was entrenched in the repealed Article 122a(3) and (4) of the Federal Constitution.
“Hence, it can be said that the ‘1994 Amendment’ had contravened the IGC Report which for all intent and purposes set out the rights of Sabah and Sarawak in the formation of Malaysia.

“These rights are protected rights and their protection lies in the consent of the respective States through the consent of the Yang di-Pertua Negeri. Thus, it can be inferred that the repealed Article 122A (3) and (4) of the Federal Constitution (which is paragraph 26 (15) of Chapter 3 of IGC) can only be repealed with the consent of the Yang di-Pertua Negeri of Sabah and Sarawak.

“Accordingly, it is my view that the ‘1994 Amendment’ is invalid and therefore, null and void in so far as it concerns the removal of the power to appoint judicial commissioners by the respective Yang di-Pertua Negeri of Sabah and Sarawak,” he said.

Touching on the issue whether the enactment of the Judicial Appointments Commission Act 2009 (Act 695) is unconstitutional, null and void, David held that the Judicial Appointments Commission Act 2009 (JAC Act) came into force on Feb 2, 2009.

“Through the JAC Act 2009, a Judicial Appointments Commission (JAC) was established mainly to make recommendation to the Prime Minister on the candidates to be appointed as judicial commissioners or judges or on the promotion of sitting judges to the higher courts.

“The JAC Act, I agree with counsel for the defendant, merely provides a process in which candidates for judgeship are vetted by the JAC,” he said.

Having read the relevant provisions, David said one thing is clear and that is, all JAC do in their function is to recommend to the Prime Minister qualified candidates for judgeship and such recommendations remain as ‘recommendations’ only in that the Prime Minister’s discretion is completely untouched which is as provided in Article 122AB and 122B of the Federal Constitution.

“However, there is no provision in the JAC Act as to when this process of selecting suitable candidates is to occur. Is it before or after the consultation with the relevant judges?

“Article 122Ab and 122B of the Federal Constitution provides that ‘the Prime Minister shall consult’ the relevant judges before he advises the Yang di-Pertuan Agong for any appointment of judges.

“This duty to consult is a constitutional duty and it can only be taken away by an express amendment to the Federal Constitution, that is, by votes of two-third of members of Parliament.

“Of course there was no such constitutional amendment and hence the JAC Act must be read subjected to that constitutional duty to consult,” he said.

In other words, David held the recommendations of the Judicial Commission are subjected to the Prime Minister’s duty to consult the relevant Judges.

“Accordingly, Section 28 of the JAC Act 2009 should not be read as if there is no requirement for the Prime Minister of the day to consult the relevant Judges before he tenders his advice in accordance with Article 122AB and 122B of the Federal Constitution and to read otherwise would make section 28 ultra vires the Federal Constitution.

“Lastly, as for Section 37 of the JAC Act, whichever way one reads it, it gives the power of the Prime Minister to amend any provisions of the JAC Act by way of a gazette. Any amendment to the JAC Act or for that matter any legislation is an exercise of legislative power.

“The doctrine of separation of powers embodied in the Federal Constitution dictates that only the Parliament can make or amend laws. Accordingly, I am left with no option but to hold that Section 37 of the JAC null and void as it contravenes the Federal Constitution.

“This finding is now of course academic as this provision has a sunset clause of two years and then the sun has since set on 9 Feb 2011,” he added.

On the contention by Senior Federal Counsel Suzana Atan and Narkunavathy Sundereson who acted for the government that Robert had no locus standi to bring the suit, the judge ruled that “all Malaysians have a duty to protect our constitution.”

He said Robert, as a Sabahan, was genuinely concerned with the erosion of the rights of Sabah in so far as the Constitution and jurisdiction of the High Court in Sabah and Sarawak and the appointment, removal and suspension of judges of that court.

“I have no hesitation in finding that the plaintiff has the locus standi to bring this action.

“I am fully aware of the argument that this may encourage litigation but in my view when there is a challenge concerning and dismantling of the Supreme Law of the country, litigation should be encouraged,” David added.