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Tuesday, 23 May 2023

砂燕窝业

砂燕窝业 24/5/23 Wed
燕子是天然资源。燕农要采集燕子,必须下大成本建燕屋,买器材引燕。这也是很费时,还要下真功夫,辛苦引燕和养燕的血汗事业。燕农理应是归于农业部的项目。燕农申请燕屋执照是合情理的事。燕农绝对会配合到家。可是,在1998年野生动物保护法令使森林部有无限可能去干预燕农的事业。甚至要求燕农申请买卖执照,这是多么离谱的事。

同时,制造困难申请,因此,这机构就制造很多非法营运的燕农和燕商。燕农和燕商接着就不间断的被森林局骚扰和掠夺。这让无数百姓揣测嫌疑森林部利用肮脏的手段来抢夺燕农和燕商的血汗财富。全心全意想不劳而获,坐享事成,看起来他们已经成为变相的恶霸。

森林局再配合警察一条龙的举动,燕农燕商肯定死翘翘。所以,2023年5月3日, 森林局带着警察上美丹商业中心向4位有买卖执照的燕商下手,充公价值250万令吉的燕窝,强行夺走。以莫虚名的理由说燕窝货源来自非法燕农,这已经引起无限公愤。

这对燕农商业造成无限的伤害,也影响整10万多砂人从事跟燕窝业相关的工作。森林局这次的大搅局大举动是自私自利不顾后果。我认为这些的官爷们的任意行为必须受到严厉惩罚。

森林局如此横行霸道,粗暴野蛮对待燕农燕商是部长先生,女士和小姐们对该单位监管不利。掀开他们过去黑史,扣留,充公非法伐木之后,自行拍卖当然是自肥腰包。 今天,制造无数非法燕农,充公燕农引燕器材和灯光设备,还有采光燕窝,也自行拍卖。这种行为变成森林局的常态。

部长们必须审查和修正1998年野生动物保护法令把爪哇金丝燕和大金丝燕从野生动物保护名单内移出。之后,把燕农归纳在农业局范畴内,森林局就从此也出局了。

据报道,联邦政府在2009年就修宪修改野生动物保护法令的第176条文,并在2010年在宪报上公布,将爪哇金丝燕和大金丝燕从野生动物名单移出。从此,我们看到马来半岛那边的燕窝业获得良好的发展。

反观咱们砂燕窝业处处面对森林局无限的刁难,限制,破坏和掠夺。只要修正这法令,砂燕窝业就会逢勃发展起来。燕窝业“对社会福利,就业机会和外汇收入都可以带来很多的益处”。 还有燕农和燕商需要砂政府的支持和关注以保证燕窝业获得良好发展。 有政府的配合,还有燕农和燕商对引燕知识和认知,就可以轻易解决燕屋的噪音,卫生等等的问题。燕窝业对整体砂人都是有益处的。

重拳出击(4)James Chin Podcast 5

重拳出击(四):James Chin Podcast 5
James 问既然,马联邦有提供法院补救任何联邦政府的缺失或犯规。法院有提供这些方便,沙砂政府为什么不用呢?

Fong辩护说在2018年,砂政府有入禀法庭寻求公道(我说有史以来,第一次),当希盟联邦政府拒绝付费MA63规定的可以抽10%的石油天然气的销售税而砂只要求5%。

Petronas当时要妨止砂政府使用砂拉越的法律来调节石油天然气工业,但砂政府坚持立场。

让我补充一下这点,在2/2020, 希盟倒台了。在阴差阳错下,也在马联邦元首的操作下,和砂政府的支持下,慕尤丁便任相。之后,他允许砂抽5%的石油天然气的销售税。这5%是相等于30亿令吉。

2018年之前,砂政府从来没有向Petronas 征收石油和天然气的销售。这之前,Petronas 和其他石油公司从来没有申请开采准证等等。

在2013年之前,砂国阵是完全受控于马联邦国阵的淫威,跟这政治集团是狼狈为奸,吃里扒外和理应外合。当马联邦做出种种违规违宪的行为时,砂政府完全没有采取任何行动。

James认为有很多社会活跃分子都认为PDA违宪,因为砂首长个人未经砂议会通过,签署石油归属权力给Petronas。

Fong讲解说数十年来PDA74的合法性和合宪性一直引起争端。

联邦政府在联邦议会里通过PDA74成立Petronas。但是,Petronas在砂境内的权力只限于开采权是受限于联邦宪法A32在足够补偿下才能生效。

在1975,PDA74签署文件中,并没有书写规定给5% 现金补偿。过去,Petronas完全没有准证在沙砂开采石油和天然气的一切活动是违宪的,完全不符合MA63规定。

从2018年7月1日开始,Petronas必须受限于砂石油开采条例/OMO。按照马联邦宪法73条,OMO在马联邦成立后,还是可以继续使用。因此,Petronas必须遵守砂OMO,申请准证在砂及其大陆架采矿

其实,对于PDA74争议不断,Fong前后有书写给联邦两个总检察长Tan Sri Affendi Ali 和Tan Sri Tommy Thomas. 他建议马联邦和砂政府就联邦宪法A1281(B)上法联邦法院求判决以一劳永逸解决PDA74引起的争端。

他也有建议联邦总检察长就A130法令,上联邦法院咨询意见,可是,他的建议全被否决。

我猜马联邦心中有鬼,他们知道PDA74,压根儿对马联邦完全不利,所以,不愿意入禀法院一次过搞定它。

Fong认为如果有司法裁决,未来政治领导才能决定该做什么。

具有里程碑意义的法院判决

具有里程碑意义的法院判决 高等法院裁定联邦宪法第 122AB 条无效

KOTA KINABALU:在一项具有里程碑意义的决定中,高等法院在这里宣布联邦宪法第 122AB 条关于国家元首(TYT)为沙巴和砂拉越任命司法专员的条款无效。

法官拿督David Wong裁定,1994 年取消沙巴和砂拉越 TYT 任命司法专员/大法官的权力的修正案是无效的,因为它是在未经两州同意的情况下进行的。

在允许退休警察Robert Linggi对联邦政府提起的诉讼中,法官David还宣布了《司法任命委员会法》(JAC)第 37 条,该条授权首相通过公报修改该法的任何条款,无效和空白。

然而,他驳回了Keningau的Robert的说法,即《司法任命委员会法》(第 37 条除外)违宪。

在他于 2009 年 3 月 13 日提交的诉讼中,由律师Datuk Lawrence Thien代表的罗伯特,除其他外,要求法院宣布联邦取消两国元首权力任命沙巴和砂拉越高等法院司法专员/大法官无效。

大卫在 3 月 15 日提交的长达 39 页的书面判决书中表示,不可争辩的事实是联邦政府没有获得沙巴和砂拉越各自国家元首的同意下取消沙砂元首任命大法官的权力。

在 1994 年 6 月 24 日修订联邦宪法第 122A(3)和(4)条之前,沙巴和砂拉越高等法院的司法专员的任命可由各自的 TYTs 根据行政长官的建议任命沙巴和砂拉越高等法院法官(现称首席法官)。

“1994 年 6 月 24 日之后发生的事情是,沙巴和砂拉越元首任命司法专员的权力已被 1994 年宪法(修正案)法令(1994 年修正案)取消,该法令纳入了新的第 122AB 条同样的宪法,”他说。

大卫说,第 161E(2) 条禁止在未经各 TYT 同意的情况下修改联邦宪法,“如果该修正案会影响(联邦)宪法在沙巴和砂拉越高等法院的宪法和管辖权方面的运作。

“在我看来,‘1994年修正案 ’无疑‘ 影响了’联邦宪法的运作,因为它取消了沙砂元首任命高等法院司法专员的权力。

David说,考察联邦宪法的历史背景,也可以得出同样的结论。

他指出,起点是1962年政府间委员会(IGC)的报告和1963年7月8日的马来西亚协议。

IGC 包含沙巴和砂拉越同意组建马来西亚的条款和条件,这反映在马来西亚协议的第八条中,Wong 补充说,该建议在废除的第 122a(3) 和 (4) 条中是根深蒂固的联邦宪法。

“因此,可以说‘1994年修正案’违反了IGC报告,该报告就所有意图和目的而言,规定了沙巴和砂拉越在成立马来西亚方面的权利。

“这些权利是受保护的权利,要取消该权利必须获得沙砂元首/Yang di-Pertua Negeri 的同意。因此,可以推断,被废除的联邦宪法第122A条第3款和第4款(即IGC第3章第26(15)段)只能在得到沙砂元首同意后才能废除任命沙巴和砂拉越大法官/JC。

“因此,我认为‘1994年修正案’是无效的,因此,就取消沙巴和砂拉越元首任命司法专员/JC的权力而言,它是无效的,”他说。

针对2009年司法任命委员会法令(第695号法令)的制定是否违宪、无效的问题,大卫认为,2009年司法任命委员会法令(JAC法令)于2009年2月2日生效。

“通过 2009 年 JAC 法令,成立了司法委任委员会(JAC),主要是向首相推荐被委任为司法专员或法官的候选人,或将现任法官晋升至高等法院。

“我同意被告律师的意见,JAC 法案只是提供了一个程序,让 JAC 审查法官候选人,”他说。

看过相关规定后,David表示有一点很清楚,那就是JAC的所有职能都是向首相推荐合格的法官候选人,而这些推荐仍然是“推荐”,只是因为首相有全部自由裁量权。首相不受联邦宪法第 122AB 条和第 122B 条规定所影响。

“但是,JAC 法案中没有规定何时进行选择合适候选人的过程。是在咨询相关法官之前还是之后?

“《联邦宪法》第 122Ab 和 122B 条规定,‘首相还没向最高元首提出建议任命任何法官之前,应先咨询’相关法官。

“这种咨询义务是一项宪法义务,只能通过三分之二的国会议员投票修正案才能明确取消联邦宪法。

“当然没有这样的宪法修正案,因此必须根据宪法的咨询义务来阅读 JAC 法案,”他说。

换句话说,Davod认为司法委员会的建议是首相受制于职责义务必须咨询相关的法官。

“因此,2009 年 JAC 法案第 28 条不应被理解为没有要求当时的首相在根据联邦宪法第 122AB 和 122B 条提出建议之前,先咨询相关法官,否则,将使第 28 节越权被解读为联邦宪法。

“最后,至于 JAC 法令第 37 条文,无论以何种方式解读,它赋予首相权力,以刊登公报的方式修改 JAC 法令的任何条款。对 JAC 法案的任何修正或与此相关的任何立法都是立法权的行使。

“联邦宪法所体现的三权分立原则规定,只有议会才能制定或修改法律。因此,我别无选择,只能认为 JAC 第 37 条无效,因为它违反了联邦宪法。

“这一发现现在当然是学术性的,因为该条款有两年的日落条款,然后太阳从 2011 年 2 月 9 日开始落山,”他补充说。

针对代表联邦政府的高级联邦法律顾问Suzana Atan和Narkunavathy Sundereson认为Robert没有法定资格提起诉讼,法官裁定“所有马来西亚人都有责任保护我们的宪法”。

他说,身为沙巴人,Robert真心诚意的关心沙巴和砂拉越高等法院的宪法和管辖权以及该法院法官的任命、罢免和停职方面的权利受到侵蚀。

“我毫不犹豫地发现原告有法定资格提起诉讼。

“我完全理解这可能会鼓励诉讼的论点,但我认为,要挑战和废除国家最高法时,应该鼓励诉讼,”David补充道。

Borneo Post Online
Landmark court decision High Court rules Article 122AB of Federal Constitution null and void
BY KELIMEN SAWATAN ON MARCH 18, 2011, FRIDAY AT 1:28 PMSABAH

KOTA KINABALU: In a landmark decision, the High Court here has declared Article 122AB of the Federal Constitution on the appointment of Judicial Commissioners by the Heads of State (TYTs) for Sabah and Sarawak, null and void.

Justice Datuk David Wong Dak Wah ruled that the 1994 amendment to the provision for the removal of the power of the TYTs for Sabah and Sarawak to appoint Judicial Commissioner was invalid as it was done without the consent of the two states.

In allowing the suit brought by retired policeman Robert Linggi against the Federal Government, David also declared Section 37 of the Judicial Appointments Commission Act (JAC), which empowers the Prime Minister to amend any provisions of the Act by way of a gazette, null and void.

He however dismissed the claim by Robert, who is from Keningau, that the Judicial Appointments Commission Act (except for section 37) was unconstitutional.

In his suit filed on March 13, 2009 Robert, who was represented by counsel Datuk Lawrence Thien, had, among others, sought declaration from the court that the removal of the power of appointment of judicial commissioners to the High Court of Sabah and Sarawak by the heads of the two States null and void.

In his 39-page written judgement delivered on March 15, David said it was not disputed that no consent was obtained from the respective Heads of State for Sabah and Sarawak.

Prior to amendments to Article 122A (3) and (4) of the Federal Constitution on June 24, 1994, the appointment of judicial commissioners to the High Court of Sabah and Sarawak may be appointed by the respective TYTs acting on the advice of the Chief Justice (now known as Chief Judge) of the High Court of Sabah and Sarawak.

“What happened after 24th June 1994 is that the power of the respective Yang di-Pertua Negeri of Sabah and Sarawak to appoint judicial commissioners has been taken away by the Constitution (Amendment) Act 1994 (1994 Amendments) which incorporated a new Article 122AB of the same constitution,” he said.

David said that Article 161E(2) prohibits amendments to the Federal Constitution without the consent of the respective TYTs “if the amendment is such as to affect the operation of the (Federal) Constitution as regards the constitution and jurisdiction of the High Court of Sabah and Sarawak.

“The ‘1994 Amendment’ in my mind had no doubt ‘affected the operation’ of the Federal Constitution as it had removed the power of appointment of judicial commissioners to the High Court by the Yang di-Pertua Negeri.

“Hence, when the ‘1994 Amendment’ was introduced without the consent of the respective Yang di-Pertua Negeri, it contravened Article 161E (2) (b) of the Federal Constitution,” he held.

David said that the same conclusion can be reached by looking into the historical background of the Federal Constitution.

He pointed out that the starting point was the report of the Inter-Government Committee, 1962 (IGC) and the Malaysia Agreement dated July 8, 1963.

The IGC contained the terms and conditions in which Sabah and Sarawak agreed to form Malaysia and this is reflected in Article VIII of the Malaysia Agreement, said Wong, adding that the recommendation was entrenched in the repealed Article 122a(3) and (4) of the Federal Constitution.
“Hence, it can be said that the ‘1994 Amendment’ had contravened the IGC Report which for all intent and purposes set out the rights of Sabah and Sarawak in the formation of Malaysia.

“These rights are protected rights and their protection lies in the consent of the respective States through the consent of the Yang di-Pertua Negeri. Thus, it can be inferred that the repealed Article 122A (3) and (4) of the Federal Constitution (which is paragraph 26 (15) of Chapter 3 of IGC) can only be repealed with the consent of the Yang di-Pertua Negeri of Sabah and Sarawak.

“Accordingly, it is my view that the ‘1994 Amendment’ is invalid and therefore, null and void in so far as it concerns the removal of the power to appoint judicial commissioners by the respective Yang di-Pertua Negeri of Sabah and Sarawak,” he said.

Touching on the issue whether the enactment of the Judicial Appointments Commission Act 2009 (Act 695) is unconstitutional, null and void, David held that the Judicial Appointments Commission Act 2009 (JAC Act) came into force on Feb 2, 2009.

“Through the JAC Act 2009, a Judicial Appointments Commission (JAC) was established mainly to make recommendation to the Prime Minister on the candidates to be appointed as judicial commissioners or judges or on the promotion of sitting judges to the higher courts.

“The JAC Act, I agree with counsel for the defendant, merely provides a process in which candidates for judgeship are vetted by the JAC,” he said.

Having read the relevant provisions, David said one thing is clear and that is, all JAC do in their function is to recommend to the Prime Minister qualified candidates for judgeship and such recommendations remain as ‘recommendations’ only in that the Prime Minister’s discretion is completely untouched which is as provided in Article 122AB and 122B of the Federal Constitution.

“However, there is no provision in the JAC Act as to when this process of selecting suitable candidates is to occur. Is it before or after the consultation with the relevant judges?

“Article 122Ab and 122B of the Federal Constitution provides that ‘the Prime Minister shall consult’ the relevant judges before he advises the Yang di-Pertuan Agong for any appointment of judges.

“This duty to consult is a constitutional duty and it can only be taken away by an express amendment to the Federal Constitution, that is, by votes of two-third of members of Parliament.

“Of course there was no such constitutional amendment and hence the JAC Act must be read subjected to that constitutional duty to consult,” he said.

In other words, David held the recommendations of the Judicial Commission are subjected to the Prime Minister’s duty to consult the relevant Judges.

“Accordingly, Section 28 of the JAC Act 2009 should not be read as if there is no requirement for the Prime Minister of the day to consult the relevant Judges before he tenders his advice in accordance with Article 122AB and 122B of the Federal Constitution and to read otherwise would make section 28 ultra vires the Federal Constitution.

“Lastly, as for Section 37 of the JAC Act, whichever way one reads it, it gives the power of the Prime Minister to amend any provisions of the JAC Act by way of a gazette. Any amendment to the JAC Act or for that matter any legislation is an exercise of legislative power.

“The doctrine of separation of powers embodied in the Federal Constitution dictates that only the Parliament can make or amend laws. Accordingly, I am left with no option but to hold that Section 37 of the JAC null and void as it contravenes the Federal Constitution.

“This finding is now of course academic as this provision has a sunset clause of two years and then the sun has since set on 9 Feb 2011,” he added.

On the contention by Senior Federal Counsel Suzana Atan and Narkunavathy Sundereson who acted for the government that Robert had no locus standi to bring the suit, the judge ruled that “all Malaysians have a duty to protect our constitution.”

He said Robert, as a Sabahan, was genuinely concerned with the erosion of the rights of Sabah in so far as the Constitution and jurisdiction of the High Court in Sabah and Sarawak and the appointment, removal and suspension of judges of that court.

“I have no hesitation in finding that the plaintiff has the locus standi to bring this action.

“I am fully aware of the argument that this may encourage litigation but in my view when there is a challenge concerning and dismantling of the Supreme Law of the country, litigation should be encouraged,” David added.

Monday, 22 May 2023

砂中区燕窝沦陷了!!!

东马中区燕窝沦陷了!!!
     从以前燕窝因为受中国的青睐,所以才有很多平民百姓花重金去建燕屋养燕子,一个四四方方的三层楼燕屋建筑成本高达40-80万100万不等看大小。花了重金还得细心和耐心的引燕,花的可不止是时间和精力,有时发现设计不理想的时候可能已经过了3-5年不等,还要再花几万块去装修和改善然后再花两三年时间等待燕屋成长。回头看,做一间燕屋花了不止是重本,还牺牲了自己的青春!重点是还不一定成功!!燕屋的成功率其实只有30%不到,也就是说10间里面只有两三间是7年里面回本,而其他的15年可能还没回本,这些都还没算进我们的时间价值,精力,付出呢!
     一直以来,我们都为了配合正规燕窝出口商去注册了兽医部燕屋准证来合法化我们的燕窝,所以市场上有一部分的燕农会自行注册此准证。但近年来有个叫”森林部”的部门出新的条规,规定只要在砂劳越的燕屋都得得到它的燕屋准证,事后民众有去申请,不但手续复杂,需要通过6个部门,准证申请的时间还无厘头的久。准证批准是由古晋总部批,所以在诗巫申请的文件也是全寄给古晋,曾经有燕农交文件给诗巫申请,一个半月后打电话询问,那份文件竟然还在诗巫,理由是公务员忘记了。然后再等半个月后文件才发到古晋开始处理。有个燕农甚至持续追问了8个月,得来的只是”sedang process”。大部分的燕农执照根本申请不到,理由也不清不楚。大众不是不配合森林部,而是内部的管理存在着极大的问题!整个砂劳越燕屋超过20000间,而自古以来准的只有区区的200间!这意味着剩下的2万间在森林部眼中都是非法燕屋,上门破门充公只是迟或早罢了!!
     不知从何开始,就一直听到森林部充公燕屋器材,採光燕窝,自行拍卖,然后找下一间,充公,自己採,拍卖,充公,採,拍卖。简直是有执照的燕窝大盗啊!无法无天的抓燕屋,打压燕农,规定市中心15公里以外才可以养燕子,然后下令你们把现有的燕屋搬迁到离市中心15公里以外,这简直是荒谬之谈!今天就算你有本事搬迁燕屋,试问如何搬迁燕子?曾经有人尝试过搬迁燕子,最终导致燕子全部死光。后来民众在和森林部对话中要求森林部分享搬迁燕子的理想方法,对方竟然在再三的追问下还是依然假装没听见,可见他们本身也深知这是不可能的事。在森林部和民众对话中表示,做燕窝贸易商(燕窝收购/加工厂)必须申请买卖执照,而燕屋燕农需要申请森林部燕屋执照。
     但昨日5月3号下午两点左右,森林部带着警察,冲上诗巫美丹商业中心的4家有买卖执照的平民燕窝贸易商,强行破门二话不说就秤燕窝,充公燕窝,然后把公司的文件通通拿走。给的理由是一条从未听过的新口述法律,”燕农的燕窝没有森林部买卖执照就算是贼赃来充公!” 
     天啊,这个事情轰动了整个马来西亚燕窝界,根本没有人或相关当局发布任何条规说明养燕的燕农必须要持有森林部买卖执照才能卖燕窝,也就是说一直以来市场上哪怕你卖一粒燕窝给朋友,只要你没有森林部买卖执照你就是犯人!森林部可以充公你所有燕窝,然后再在警局报你案!这简直是打枪人民啊!据了解,当时这4家都出示了买卖执照,3家都还valid ,只有一家是过期但森林部领头Azlan一直不当一回事,一心就想把眼前全部的燕窝拿走就是了,甚至连燕农带有ic的正规买货单都提供了还是不被当一回事。这根本就是打枪!充公了200多万马币的燕窝啊……这可是人民血汗钱,真金白银买回来的货,这些公司合计一年缴超过100千的所得税,都是持有合法经营,燕窝买卖执照的平民啊……
     燕窝是天然资源,是一个地方的福气,它不但带来了外资,就业机会,带给辛苦燕农的回报,还带给当地人享用燕窝的口福。但今天!这个森林部却把整个局面沦落为燕农和燕商都是罪犯。给的理由是从所未有,无中生有的!明明说好燕商需买卖执照,燕农需燕屋执照,结果抓的时候却说成是燕农需要买卖执照!而且在当局指出的Wildlife protection Ordinance 里面section 34,写的很清楚,罚款2千块。没了。结果森林部的出发点根本不在于执行该给的处罚,而是想尽办法篇故事充公民众的资产,下午几个小时就以扭曲的法律剥夺了你两百多万!!试问这如果不是抢劫,是什么?真正的燕屋进贼又从来没见过一次森林部协助警方捕获燕窝贼?!反而把目标指向平民手里合法的燕窝!
     呼吁砂劳越有养燕的民众,好之为之,只要一天你们的燕屋没给森林部批准,你的燕窝是不可以採下来的,採了就是犯罪!就算有了燕屋执照,你还要申请买卖执照,不然奉劝你还是把燕窝丢了吧或者藏紧紧,它分分钟是你的犯罪证据!如果只有几粒或许森林部不会充公只会罚款2000-10000不一定。如果量多的话,他们一定会想尽办法充工。
     其实整件事情不是没风就起浪的,据当局内幕消息透露,事发当天有人联系了森林部总部问关于这次的行动起因,森林部局长竟然回答说是诗巫这个领头的想要创造业绩,没案子就自己创造案子。试问天理何在……
     早起在90年代开始森林部主要是抓水木为生,主要工作就是靠抓了水木,跟物主讨kopi o 然后再把水木归还。一直以来都是一门黑吃黑的肥肉生意。近年来水木已经少之又少了,所以把目光转移到你们华人的燕屋,其做法类似,想尽办法编故事把你货扣留,然后强行充公,然后进行拍卖,其利润又上面分配。
     燕窝本身是好的,但被这种政府部门管理,小篇认为,养燕和犯毒。或许选择犯毒轻松点,又不用时常驾远途,晒太阳,扫鸟粪,爬上爬下不小心又摔断手脚,重本起鸟屋,十年本钱还不一定拿回来,鸟多贼更多,等等烦恼。
     砂劳越燕农朋友们,保重吧!希望有高见者可以在下留言如何取缔这无法无天的部门!

Saturday, 20 May 2023

重权出击(四)James Chin Podcast 5

重拳出击(四):James Chin Podcast 5
James 问既然,马联邦有提供法院补救任何联邦政府的缺失或犯规。法院有提供这些方便,沙砂政府为什么不用呢?

Fong辩护说在2018年,砂政府有入禀法庭寻求公道(我说有史以来,第一次),当希盟联邦政府拒绝付费MA63规定的可以抽10%的石油天然气的销售税而砂只要求5%。

Petronas当时要妨止砂政府使用砂拉越的法律来调节石油天然气工业,但砂政府坚持立场。

让我补充一下这点,在2/2020, 希盟倒台了。在阴差阳错下,也在马联邦元首的操作下,和砂政府的支持下,慕尤丁便任相。之后,他允许砂抽5%的石油天然气的销售税。这5%是相等于30亿令吉。

2018年之前,砂政府从来没有向Petronas 征收石油和天然气的销售。这之前,Petronas 和其他石油公司从来没有申请开采准证等等。

在2013年之前,砂国阵是完全受控于马联邦国阵的淫威,跟这政治集团是狼狈为奸,吃里扒外和理应外合。当马联邦做出种种违规违宪的行为时,砂政府完全没有采取任何行动。

James认为有很多社会活跃分子都认为PDA违宪,因为砂首长个人未经砂议会通过,签署石油归属权力给Petronas。

Fong讲解说数十年来PDA74的合法性和合宪性一直引起争端。

联邦政府在联邦议会里通过PDA74成立Petronas。但是,Petronas在砂境内的权力只限于开采权是受限于联邦宪法A32在足够补偿下才能生效。

在1975,PDA74签署文件中,并没有书写规定给5% 现金补偿。过去,Petronas完全没有准证在沙砂开采石油和天然气的一切活动是违宪的,完全不符合MA63规定。

从2018年7月1日开始,Petronas必须受限于砂石油开采条例/OMO。按照马联邦宪法73条,OMO在马联邦成立后,还是可以继续使用。因此,Petronas必须遵守砂OMO,申请准证在砂及其大陆架采矿

其实,对于PDA74争议不断,Fong前后有书写给联邦两个总检察长Tan Sri Affendi Ali 和Tan Sri Tommy Thomas. 他建议马联邦和砂政府就联邦宪法A1281(B)上法联邦法院求判决以一劳永逸解决PDA74引起的争端。

他也有建议联邦总检察长就A130法令,上联邦法院咨询意见,可是,他的建议全被否决。

我猜马联邦心中有鬼,他们知道PDA74,压根儿对马联邦完全不利,所以,不愿意入禀法院一次过搞定它。

Fong认为如果有司法裁决,未来政治领导才能决定该做什么。

新加坡独立是一场政变?

*新加坡独立是一場政变?*

李光耀已计划好為新加坡引退。此計划当他还在英国与 EW Baker 一起学习法律时,就开始了,还有其他一些新加坡人也和他在一起。在他的回忆录中,他确实提到了其对新加坡如何获得自由和独立的想法。

对我来说,李光耀知道英国人希望马来西亚成立但不会让新加坡独立。大卫·马歇尔与他一起率队前往英国要求独立,但未获准。大卫马歇尔信守诺言,如果他未能说服英国给予独立,就辞去新加坡总理职务。马歇尔很有信心,因为他是东姑派往英国寻求马来亚独立的团队的顾问。如果我能记得我读过的话,那时候马歇尔是吉打州的一名律师。

新加坡未获独立后,李光耀执行 B 计划

 他来到这里并与东姑一起出售马来西亚计划。他们成功了。在我看来,李光耀描绘了一幅画面,说马来西亚对新加坡来说是正确的举动,但在他的内心深处,他想要独立。当时在新加坡存在共产主义威胁,如果马来西亚成立,李光耀也感到安全。

马来西亚成立后,他所倡议的马来西亚人之马来西亚议程造成了严重破坏,致使东姑落入其陷阱。

在一篇文章中,我读到新加坡方面所说的这是一场和平政变;他们成功地让新加坡脱离联邦并宣布独立。

李光耀在东姑向马来西亚议会提交新加坡退出提案之前就宣布新加坡独立了。

在李光耀的指示下,EW Baker 匆忙提出分离法案。从我读到的,李光耀 似乎非常渴望离开马来西亚。

 EW Baker 是当时的新加坡总檢長。为什么是新加坡起草并提出了分离法案,而不是马来亚?

因此,无论出于何种目的,李光耀都按计划行事并打好他的牌。他当时是喜極而泣,並不是因新加坡退出他所表达的遗憾而流泪。

在他的独立宣言演讲中,他谈到了自决权。如果这不是他离开马来西亚的策略,为什么李光耀要谈论自决?如果新加坡被踢出局,他可以在演讲中这么说,但他没有。

虽然新加坡退出是双方达成的协议,但我的看法不同。这是李光耀的政治操弄手段,不是通过相互退出而是通过单方面宣布独立(UDI)退出。分离协议仅供展示之用。

所以,读政客的思想时我们需要看字里含意因為他们一般不会直言不諱。在任何情况下,这都是真正的政变和打东姑脸的耳光。

温利山
2023年5月14日

*SINGAPORE INDEPENDENCE-A COUP DE TAT?*

LKY planned Singapore Exit well. It started when he was still in UK studying law with EW Baker. A few other Singaporeans were with him and in his memoire he did mention of his thoughts on how Singapore need to be set free and independent.

To me, LKY knew British wanted Malaysia formed and would not allow Singapore gained independent. David Marshall together with him led a team to UK to ask independence but was not granted. David Marshall kept his words, resigned as Singapore CM if he failed to persuade UK to grant independence. Marshall was confident because he was the counsel in Tunku's team to UK to seek Malaya Independence. At that time Marshall was a lawyer in Kedah if I could recall what I read

Lee Kuan Yew executed planned B after Singapore was not granted independence 

 He came here and sold Malaysia Plan with Tunku. They succeeded. To my thinking, LKY painted a picture that Malaysia was the right move for Singapore but deep in his heart he wanted independence. At that time there was a communist threat in Singapore and LKY also feel safe if Malaysia was formed. 

After Malaysia was formed he then created havoc by his Malaysian Malaysia agenda and Tunku fell into the trap. 

In an article I read Singapore side said it was a peaceful coup de tat and they succeeded to get Singapore out of the federation and declared independent. 

LKY declared Singapore independent before Tunku tabled Singapore Exit in Malaysia Parliament. 

The Separation Bill was rushed into by EW Baker, as directed by LKY. From what I read it seems that LKY was very eager to leave Malaysia. 

 EW Baker was the Singapore AG at that time. Why it was Singapore that drafted and presented the Separation Bill, not Malaya? 

Therefore, for all purposes LKY could have planned and played his card well. His tears was tears of joy not of regret as expressed by him when Singapore exited. 

In his Declaration of Independence speech he was talking of the right of self-determination. Why was LKY talking about self-determination if this was not his strategies to get out of Malaysia? If Singapore was kicked out he could in his speech said so but he didn’t. 

Although it was a mutual agreement for Singapore to exit but I look it differently. It was a political maneuvering by LKY for exit not by mutual exit but by unilateral declaration of independence (UDI). The Separation Agreement was only for presentational purpose only. 

Therefore, reading a politician's thought, politicians normally don't talk straight and we need to read between the lines. In all circumstances, it was truly a coup and a slap on the face of Tunku.

Voon Lee Shan 
14 May 2023

Thursday, 18 May 2023

How democracy works to control our society

*How democracy works to control our society*

Democracy is a tool used by politicians and wealthy entrepreneurs to control the behaviour of people. Democracy is also a tool to rob the resources of the country. The wealthy entrepreneurs will work with the politicians to win elections and to ensure that politicians they support will form the government. 

The wealthy entrepreneurs are willing to pump in any amount of money as long as they can make sure that the politicians whom they support will form the government after elections 

These politicians in gratitude normally will repay these wealthy entrepreneurs with land and licences to rob the resources and wealth of the country. 

But again there is no free lunch 
These wealthy entrepreneurs have to 'buy" the licence, land and mines of the state from the politicians or ministers in power. Here corruption creeps into the system of government.  

The politicians in power and entrepreneurs may also destroy the environment and land of indigenous people of the land. Land alienated to wealthy entrepreneurs may encroach into land of indigenous people. Indigenous people found themselves to become squatters in own land because politicians may pass law to dissolve their rights to the land. The court is also controlled by the politicians and the wealthy entrepreneurs. Therefore indigenous people will find it difficult to fight them in court. 

Indigenous people who are less educated are easily taken to believe that the politicians are sincere to help them when politicians come with sweet words and some honey supplied by the wealthy entrepreneurs during elections. 

The system of democracy is also to ensure the indigenous people remain poor and uneducated so that they could not understand what is happening in the world and so that they become subservient and dependent to their ruling government. 

To non indigenous people, you work for the entrepreneurs from morning until evening and are their "slaves". While you are working these wealthy entrepreneurs could be on holiday or playing golf with the politicians and ministers. You make money for them and they are laughing to the bank. They give your salaries according to their perceived value about you and they keep you comfortable. When you feel comfortable you never wish to come out from your comfort zone. 

Salaried people never be rich because salaries are like drugs which is to keep you happy and you forgot to pursue your financial freedom but just keep on working for the entrepreneurs. 

When you get older or about to retire you then realise you do not have enough saving for your retirement.


Voon Lee Shan 
President Parti Bumi Kenyalang 
17 May 2023