Bintang Borneo
Tuesday, November 4, 2025
*Open Letter by Datuk Dr. Jeffrey G. Kitingan* – 4 March 1991 (English Translation)
This letter was published in several local newspapers on 4 March 1991 as Datuk Seri Panglima Dr. Jeffrey G. Kitingan’s response to personal attacks made by Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad during his visits to Sabah.
The open letter was issued at a time when the Internal Security Act (ISA) was still in force in Malaysia.
A few months later, on 13 May 1991, Dr. Jeffrey G. Kitingan was detained under the ISA and imprisoned for two years and seven months at the Kamunting Detention Centre.
This letter is being republished for the awareness of the younger generation — to help them understand the unwavering struggle and conviction of Dr. Jeffrey G. Kitingan, a cause he has steadfastly carried for more than 33 years.
This struggle is not over — and it must continue.
_________________
Date: 4 March 1991
Dear friends and beloved people of Sabah,
You may have already heard or read Mahathir’s uncensored speech that appeared in the newspapers on 21 February 1991. I have only recently become aware of it myself.
Mahathir’s statement that Sabah is his colony is not surprising. He himself had brought UMNO into Sabah precisely to ensure total control over the people of this state.
He refuses to respect the leaders whom we, the people of Sabah, have chosen.
He wants to appoint his own leaders, and to dictate the course they should follow.
He believes that Sabah is under his dominion, and that he can do whatever he pleases with us.
He also believes that no one can stop him — not even other leaders from Kuala Lumpur — and they too threaten us through the army, the police, and the Anti-Corruption Agency (BPR).
The true purpose of Kuala Lumpur is now plain for all to see.
Mahathir’s real intention is to abolish the 20-Point Agreement, which formed the fundamental basis of Sabah’s consent to join the Federation of Malaysia.
This plan was deliberately designed to reduce Sabah’s status from that of an equal partner to that of a colony of the Federation of Malaya.
The statement once made by former Indonesian President Sukarno was correct when he warned, during the formation of Malaysia, that Sabah’s colonial status would not change under Malaysia.
He said that what would change was merely the office of the colonial master — from London to Kuala Lumpur.
The events and actions of Kuala Lumpur since 1963 have proven that Sukarno’s words were true.
The people of Sabah were hurried and misled by our leaders into forming the Federation of Malaysia.
Read all the books and documents concerning the formation of Malaysia, and the events that followed, and you will come to understand the truth.
The 20-Point Agreement
Our leaders, though reluctant, ultimately agreed to join the new Federation — but only on certain guarantees.
After a series of discussions, Sabah’s leaders — including Tun Mustapha, Donald Stephens (Tun Fuad Stephens), and Khoo Siak Chew, along with representatives from the Federation of Malaya and the British Government — reached an understanding known as the 20-Point Agreement.
These conditions were extremely important, because they meant that Sabah agreed to form Malaysia only on the terms outlined in those 20 Points.
This was the purpose and understanding reached by all parties at the time.
We all supported it wholeheartedly.
The Betrayal of That Promise
However, everything has changed.
Once our attention turned toward politics, social affairs, and economic development, many of our former leaders became self-serving — more concerned with their own status and interests, and less about what was happening to the state as a whole.
When these leaders became intoxicated with power, wealth, and development, the leaders in Kuala Lumpur seized the opportunity to change Sabah’s status —
from that of an independent nation federated with Malaya and Sarawak (and originally, Singapore) —
to what we are experiencing now: a colony once more.
Worse still, in the process, Kuala Lumpur’s leaders also made the people of Sabah surrender their oil, land, and forest rights — all done quietly and systematically, so that the people of Sabah would not realize what was happening.
I was one of those who saw these things taking place, and I understood clearly where we were being led.
Regardless of what may happen to me or to my family, I cannot ignore it.
As someone privileged — in position, education, and status — I felt it was my duty as a Malaysian citizen and a true Sabahan to correct these wrongs, to raise the issue of the 20 Points, and to expose Kuala Lumpur’s injustices toward Sabah, especially since 1985.
Why the Federal Government Targets Me
I believe you already know much of this.
Now you understand why the Federal Government never stops harassing me and the PBS leadership.
Now you also understand what the Anti-Corruption Agency (BPR) has been after me for.
Kuala Lumpur knows — Mahathir knows — that I am right.
They prefer to eliminate leaders and thinkers like me who question their actions rather than admit the truth about what they have done.
They — Mahathir and some (not all) of the leaders in Kuala Lumpur — can easily destroy me and anyone who agrees with me, because they possess all the instruments of power:
the police, the army, the BPR, the Inland Revenue Department, the Official Secrets Act, and others.
Tell me — is it wrong for me to fight for my state and my people?
The Questions I Ask
Is it wrong for me to question Kuala Lumpur?
Should I not demand a fairer share of oil royalties for this state?
Is it wrong for me to fight to free Sabah from colonial domination?
Is it wrong for me to educate Sabahans about the true facts of our country and our condition?
Is it wrong for me to introduce new and revolutionary ideas for development, poverty reduction, and employment —
to restore dignity and self-worth to our people?
If that is wrong, then we are all guilty — guilty for standing on the side of truth.
It would have been much easier for me not to get involved in the affairs of the people, the state, or the nation.
Some may ask: “Why must you care about all this?”
Indeed, if I cared only for myself and my family, if I were selfish, it would have been better not to get involved at all.
I could have maintained my position comfortably, enjoyed my high salary, and laughed off whatever was happening.
If I had chosen to please the federal leaders and bribe enforcement officials and others, I would have been protected — nothing would have happened to me.
Is that what you wish to see from me? I believe not.
Someone must make a sacrifice.
But such a sacrifice will be meaningless without your support and encouragement.
All of you are the only power capable of stopping Mahathir and freeing us once again from the chains of domination.
On Mahathir’s Misrepresentation
If reviving the 20-Point Agreement and questioning Kuala Lumpur’s actions toward Sabah are interpreted by Mahathir as incitement — an attempt to make Sabahans hate the people of Peninsular Malaysia — then Mahathir must either be a fool or a liar.
I have many friends in Peninsular Malaysia who know me well, who know who I am.
I even have relatives married to Peninsular Malaysians.
I promote goodwill, not hatred.
It is Mahathir himself who has introduced and invited hatred.
He has insulted the leaders elected by the people of Sabah and deliberately deceived the Malaysian public — especially through lies about race and religion.
My Meeting with Mahathir
Do you remember the “sigar” (headgear) incident involving Tengku Razaleigh?
When I met Dr Mahathir in May 1990, I discussed with him several issues.
I told him that I did not come to raise personal matters but to talk about Federal–State relations.
One piece of “advice” he gave me concerning the 20 Points was as follows:
“Jeffrey, the villagers don’t know about Sabah’s rights and the 20 Points — so why should we tell them?
Reports from the Special Branch say that you and IDS are responsible for informing the people...”
For a moment I could hardly believe what I heard — that the Prime Minister of the country was telling me to deceive the very people we are supposed to educate.
When I asked Mahathir to increase Sabah’s share of oil royalties, he replied:
“You’re lucky the Federal Government gives you five percent.
Remember, there was no oil in Sabah before Malaysia existed.”
What Mahathir meant was that this state has no right to its oil and natural resources — that it was not God who gave us our oil, but Malaysia.
On Land and Federal Control
Regarding land matters, Dr Mahathir said it was difficult for the state government to refuse or delay federal agencies when they needed land.
He said that land should be controlled by the Federation.
This reveals Mahathir’s long-term objective — to control Sabah’s land and forests, which are still under state authority as guaranteed by the 20 Points.
His other goal is to turn Sabah into a colony or a component of the Federation of Malaya.
He said:
“...State rights are only temporary. Sabah should be just like Kedah or Perlis.”
This clearly contradicts what the late Tunku Abdul Rahman said during the formation of Malaysia:
“Sabah and Sarawak will not become the 13th and 14th states of the Federation of Malaya,
because they are not joining as equal partners to Malaya but as separate entities with equal status and powers.”
On the Malaysia Agreement
When Malaysia was formed in September 1963, a treaty known as the Malaysia Agreement was signed between the Federation of Malaya, Singapore, Sabah, and Sarawak, binding all parties to its terms.
Those terms constituted a partnership — and if any partner were to withdraw, it would affect the validity of the agreement for the others, requiring a review or a new treaty among those remaining.
When Singapore left the Federation in 1965, it should have invalidated the Malaysia Agreement, which formed the legal foundation of Malaysia.
To me, unless Malaya, Sabah, and Sarawak had jointly reviewed and reaffirmed or renegotiated the Malaysia Agreement after Singapore’s departure,
the legal basis for the Federation of Malaysia ceased to exist.
Why did we not do this?
Why were they afraid to discuss it?
Instead, the federal leaders — especially Mahathir — resorted to threats and arrests to silence us.
A State of Political Persecution
This is the problem we face today.
That is why I am deeply disturbed and shocked by such unfair actions,
where the Prime Minister of our country can make wild and baseless accusations against me, the IDS, and the PBS State Government — a government democratically elected by the people of Sabah.
Based on statements made by Mahathir and other UMNO leaders during their visit to Kota Kinabalu last week,
it is clear to the people of Sabah — and to the world — that in Malaysia, power equals truth.
The Prime Minister and national leaders came to Sabah to display their power and strength.
They came to show that they control the Federal Government, the police, and the military,
and that there are people in Sabah willing to sacrifice their own state’s interests to carry out UMNO’s agenda.
These leaders willingly turn a blind eye to the legitimate rights of the Sabah State Government under PBS —
a government that should be allowed to govern peacefully without interference.
This is a sad day for the people of Sabah, for Malaysia, and for future generations.
Now I can fully understand—and sympathize with—those who attended the USNO assembly, many of whom could not hold back their tears.
They share our love for this land and wish to preserve our basic rights.
They were truly disappointed to see Sabah’s own leaders ready to surrender the state’s political power to Mahathir.
Mahathir has levelled serious accusations against me.
He claimed that I was involved in a plot to take Sabah out of Malaysia, and that I harboured ambitions to become the President of an independent Sabah.
These allegations were made simply to win loud applause from USNO delegates and observers.
What has happened to my rights as a Malaysian citizen?
Who gave the Prime Minister the right to persecute a Malaysian publicly, on television, and through the mass media to the entire world?
Is the Prime Minister above the law?
Is Malaysian law meant only to be used against the Kitingan family, PBS leaders, state officials, and anyone who refuses to obey Barisan Nasional?
To me, such behaviour is vile and shameful, and has no place in a country that claims to uphold democracy.
I have already consulted my lawyers about what legal action can be taken against the Prime Minister and others who have insulted and accused me.
If I were truly involved in what he accuses me of, the Prime Minister should have used legal authority to arrest me and charge me in court.
Why, instead, does he make dramatic political statements?
If this were a matter of national security, it should be handled accordingly.
Why raise it only during USNO’s congress?
And yet he still claims that these actions have nothing to do with politics.
This is hypocrisy.
Why is Jeffrey Kitingan punished by Mahathir every time USNO holds a gathering?
To me, this is political persecution of the worst kind.
On Federal Intimidation
We in Malaysia are not blind.
People can now see clearly that the PBS Government is under siege by the Federal power through
UMNO politics, physical threats (military build-up), ISA detentions, BPR probes,
and actions by the Inland Revenue Department—
until there are those who simply obey every federal demand without question.
Is this the environment Sabah’s leaders agreed to when they helped form Malaysia in 1963?
No! Absolutely not.
We did not agree to be belittled like this, and we did not agree to be colonized by Kuala Lumpur or anyone else.
I call upon the State Government under PBS, which bears the responsibility to defend Sabahans’ rights,
to seriously question Sabah’s position in Malaysia through proper legal channels with the Federal Government.
What is the point of being a State Government when its Chief Minister and leaders are sidelined and not even invited to welcome the Prime Minister’s arrival in Sabah?
Who, then, is really promoting anti-Malaysia sentiment?
Who is truly involved in anti-Malaysia actions?
It is the Prime Minister and the UMNO leaders who are doing so.
On Standing Firm
I will not bow to the Federal threats and conspiracies against me and Sabah’s interests.
I will stand firm by what I have said—
on the 20 Points, on our state rights, and on the need for justice and fairness from the Federal Government toward Sabah,
as I have stated in my previous declarations.
To all the people of Sabah:
Do not lose hope, never give up,
for God will help those who fight for freedom and justice.
To the civil servants, and to my staff in Yayasan Sabah (YS), IDS, and ICSB —
continue your work calmly, efficiently, and with dedication.
Perform your duties wholeheartedly and responsibly.
My mission is to see us live in peace, free from oppression, pressure, and injustice.
Your mission is to free our people from poverty and suffering.
Let us together build an economically progressive state,
so that we may all become instruments of God, serving and loving one another.
To the Youth and Students
To the students, I urge you to devote your full attention to your studies,
for you are the leaders of the next generation.
Use your time and mind to seek and understand the truth about our history and development.
Do not be confined only to what you are taught in school or college,
for that is only one side of the story.
Continue to search for the truth.
Understand what life, freedom, and justice truly mean.
Read the 20 Points, the Sabah Commemorative Book – Sabah 25 Years Later, and other writings.
Do not make conclusions until you know the truth.
Once you know the truth, you will know what to do.
To Parents and Families
To all parents, you are the captains navigating stormy seas.
Guide your children toward truth and the right path in life.
Tell them what has happened to our country so that they may shape a brighter future.
Discipline must be nurtured — but beyond that, we must instil in our children the right attitude,
for they always learn by watching their parents.
To husbands, respect and care for your wives.
A wife is part of yourself — a companion and partner.
She knows many things and can help you distinguish between what is true and false,
between good and bad decisions.
Do not neglect your wife.
To wives, love and care for your husbands.
He is your partner, friend, and adviser — and your mirror when you make mistakes.
But your husband also needs your guidance to find truth and understand our situation in Sabah.
To the People of Peninsular Malaysia
To our brothers and sisters in Peninsular Malaysia,
you are our fellow Malaysians.
We need you to understand our situation in Sabah.
We do not hate you, as your leaders have told you.
It is your leaders who have sown seeds of hatred between us
for their own political gain.
We, the people of Sabah, are oppressed, disturbed, and treated unfairly.
We are colonised and controlled until we have lost our democratic freedom and dignity.
We were told that we achieved independence in 1963 —
but today, we no longer have power over our own political future.
It is the leaders from Peninsular Malaysia who have done this to us.
You need not pity our struggle — but please, try to understand us and our circumstances.
Only then can you contribute meaningfully to us.
And only then will you realise how Kuala Lumpur’s leaders have deceived even the people of Peninsular Malaysia themselves.
To Businesspeople and Investors
To the businessmen and investors — you are the ones who keep the economy moving,
and through your work, you help feed our families.
Do not stop your investments.
Help our economy grow so that our homeland may prosper and become fertile ground for more opportunities.
Support the struggle of the people of Sabah —
because if the people of Sabah succeed, you too will succeed.
To the Political Leaders of Sabah
To the political leaders of Sabah,
you are the true leaders of our people.
Lead them to their destiny.
Fight for their freedom and justice.
Free this homeland from injustice.
Hold firmly to your principles.
Do not be easily tempted to abandon your struggle for the sake of a few ringgit.
Do not oppress the people for personal gain, wealth, or position,
or just to avoid the wrath of your enemies.
Learn to distinguish between personal interests and the interests of the people.
We will all die one day, and all our actions will be recorded in history.
How much wealth or rank can you take with you to the grave?
Will your children be proud of you?
Ask yourself:
“What is my mission? What am I fighting for?
Is it merely to gain position and power —
or to free this homeland from oppression and injustice,
so that we can live in peace and determine our own future?
Am I fighting for myself, or for my people?”
You are leaders.
Do not sell out your land and your people.
If you are confused, take a moment to be still, to reflect and pray —
and God will guide you to the right path.
Do not be ashamed to correct your mistakes.
It is not too late.
Remember — we are all human.
As leaders, your followers seek guidance, information, and advice.
They place their hope in you and expect you to be strong.
Once you know what must be done, do not look back —
for if you do, you are no longer a leader.
If Kuala Lumpur controls our lives, our policies, and our resources,
then life in Sabah will never be the same again.
So my message to you is this:
Unite, stand shoulder to shoulder, and lead as you were elected to lead.
This is your homeland, and politics is in your blood.
To the Leaders in Kuala Lumpur
To other leaders in Kuala Lumpur —
some of you understand us.
You know that some
