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Tuesday, 17 September 2024

评黄进发的“不能给东马35%议席论”

评黄进发的“不能给东马35%议席论”
(18-09-2024)

近日时事报导说,
黄进发不同意给让东马有35%,因为那将会留下后患。

黄进发认为,最近东马要求在国会下议院要有35%的国会议席,会造成;只有1/6选民的东马,再加上16%的西马,他们就能以少数人组成多数政府的局面,使政府出现动荡。他还引用某些例子以证明他是对的。

黄进发先生闭口不谈英国伙同马来亚炮制“大马”时的『平等伙伴』承诺,及和《MA63》一起的,包含35%国会议席保障协议。

然而,61年来,某联邦执政当局不断修改宪法,侵蚀沙巴砂拉越权益,而国会议席也从第一次国会的占35%,递减到现在的25%。这期间,沙巴砂拉越许许多多重大权益被剥夺,连原本100%拥有的油气资源收益,变成只有5%。甚至,通过修改宪法,把沙巴砂拉越降格成第12、第13州。

君不见?昌明政府首相安華於 2023 年 10 月 13 日公佈的 《2024 年國家預算案》,僅將國家發展支出的 6.4% 分配給砂拉越,將 7.3% 分配給沙巴。

而馬來亞,却獲得86.3%。

众所周知,马来亚面积130590平方公里,砂勞越和沙巴的土地面積合計200213平方公里,佔馬來西亞(330803平方公里)的>60%,但它們的撥款僅佔國家發展開支的13.7%。

 馬來亞的土地面積僅佔馬來西亞的<40%,卻分配了國家86.3%的發展開支。

还有许许多多......,一言难尽,馨竹难书。

如今,沙巴砂拉越朝野一致强烈要求恢复拥有35%国会议席的目的就是为了纠正和防止历史悲哀的延续,这有错吗?

姑且不论充满争议的《MA63》的签署是否有效,仅是坚决要求恢复保障权益规定的35%国会议席,相关方面为何迟迟不答应?

当前的时局发展已经是到了要求联邦当局纠正错误,恢复沙巴和砂拉越35%国会议席的时候了,是爱护沙巴和砂拉越人们践行历史责任的时候了,让我们大家都一起继续努力!余清禄

Thursday, 12 September 2024

Secure revenue with laws

Malaysia

Secure revenue with laws, Sarawak lawyer tells Sabah ahead of MA63 meeting
Legal counsel says state should not get caught up in negotiations over unfulfilled rights.

Updated 9 hours ago · Published on 12 Sep 2024 7:00AM

SABAH should not get caught up in negotiations over the return of eroded and unfulfilled rights, but instead, focus on utilising the existing legal framework to claim what is rightfully theirs, said Sarawak government's special legal counsel, J.C. Fong.




Malaysia

Secure revenue with laws, Sarawak lawyer tells Sabah ahead of MA63 meeting
Legal counsel says state should not get caught up in negotiations over unfulfilled rights.

Updated 9 hours ago · Published on 12 Sep 2024 7:00AM

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Secure revenue with laws, Sarawak lawyer tells Sabah ahead of MA63 meeting
The Sarawak government's special legal counsel J.C. Fong says Sabah should explore ways to secure its revenue within the existing legal framework. - Bintulu Port website pic, September 12, 2024.

by Desmond Davidson
SABAH should not get caught up in negotiations over the return of eroded and unfulfilled rights, but instead, focus on utilising the existing legal framework to claim what is rightfully theirs, said Sarawak government's special legal counsel, J.C. Fong.


Speaking at a recent symposium, Fong highlighted that both Sabah and Sarawak have been engaged in negotiations with Putrajaya for years, with many issues still unresolved.

"Don't be dragged down by negotiations. While discussions may continue, it is essential to explore ways to secure your revenue within the existing legal framework," he advised.

How much of Fong’s advice will influence Sabah’s approach may be revealed at today’s Malaysia Agreement 1963 Implementation Action Council (MTPMA63) meeting in Kota Kinabalu.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim arrived in the Sabah capital yesterday ahead of Malaysia Day and is expected to bring notable progress on MA63. He will chair the MTPMA63 meeting today, where Sabah Chief Minister Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor and Sarawak Premier Tan Sri Abang Johari Openg will be in attendance.

Both states are advocating for greater autonomy and financial entitlements from Putrajaya. While some aspects of the agreement have been fulfilled under Anwar’s administration, MA63 remains a key issue for Sabahans and Sarawakians in their dealings with the federal government.

A major concern for Sabah, which is expected to be raised during negotiations, is the state’s entitlement to 40% of the revenue collected by the federal government within Sabah. Under MA63 and Article 112C and Part IV of the Tenth Schedule of the federal constitution, the federal government is supposed to return 40% of the revenue it collects in the state.

This provision was intended to ensure a fair distribution of resources, allowing Sabah to benefit from its wealth and support its development.

Fong, who advises the Sarawak government on constitutional, administrative, and legal matters related to Sarawak's rights and autonomy within Malaysia, encouraged Sabah to seek ways to compel the federal government to comply with state laws and the constitution.

"They (the federal government) cannot stop you if you're demanding compliance with the law or the constitution," he said, referencing Sarawak’s success in asserting its rights over oil and gas resources. For example, in January 2019, Sarawak imposed a 5% state sales tax (SST) on petroleum products, including liquefied natural gas (LNG), crude oil, and condensates.

This measure allowed Sarawak to claim a larger share of the revenue from oil and gas extraction and export.

Fong also pointed out the importance of financial autonomy, stating that without sufficient funds, states remain dependent on Putrajaya.

“If you have no money, you are nothing. You will still be under some form of colonisation. To build a road or a bridge, you have to go to Putrajaya to ask for money, and they might refuse or give you less than what you need.”

Fong suggested that Sabah explore the Labuan Act 1990 to determine if there is any special provision regarding oil and gas. "Since Sabah’s oil and gas industry is centred around Labuan, there may be legal grounds to argue that the island should be considered part of Sabah under the Petroleum Development Act 1974."

In Sarawak's case, the state asserted its rights under the Oil Mining Ordinance 1958, a law specific to Sarawak that regulates the exploration and extraction of oil and gas within the state’s boundaries. This ordinance requires companies, including Petronas, to obtain licences from the Sarawak government to operate.

“We told them (Petronas and Putrajaya) we are taking back onshore mining and must be allowed to farm in offshore oil fields,” Fong explained. He added that the continental shelf off Sarawak, a disputed area, is considered state land under Article 95D of the federal constitution.

The Territorial Sea Act 2012, which limits the authority of Sabah and Sarawak to a mere three nautical miles from the coast, violates the pre-Malaysia 1954 Order in Council by Queen Elizabeth, which extended the boundaries of Sabah and Sarawak to cover the seabed and subsoil of the continental shelf.

Fong argued that Petronas and the federal government cannot apply the Petroleum Development Act on the continental shelf, as it is within state territory.

In Section 2 of the Petroleum Development Act, Fong noted, only the rights to petroleum are vested in Petronas, not the land itself.

“That is how Sarawak asserted its rights and curtailed Petronas’ activities. Now, we are involved in both offshore and onshore oil and gas exploration, and they cannot stop us.” – September 12, 2024.

End 61 years of humiliation in Malaysia

END 61 YEARS OF HUMILIATION IN MALAYSIA
Upholding Secularism and Justice: A Call for the Protection of Sabah and Sarawak’s Rights or the Pursuit of Independence.
Sep 5
 
Joint Press Statement 5th September 2024

We, as activists from the Borneo Territories, are compelled to express our deep concerns over the current direction of the Federation of Malaysia. The democratic principles and the concept of a secular and multicultural union of four equal partners—Malaya, Singapore, North Borneo, and Sarawak—which were held up as the founding terms of the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63 if valid), have been systematically violated and destroyed. It began before and after Singapore left the union in 1965, leading to what is now seen as 61 years of humiliation under the euphemism of “independence in Malaysia” with Malayan central control. This has raised questions on the legitimacy of Malaysia formation and MA63 validity and unresolved issue of the Philippines’ claim on a part of Sabah..

We assert that the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), the international treaty that purportedly established Malaysia, was invalid from its inception. North Borneo (Sabah) and Sarawak were, at the time, still British crown colonies and not sovereign, independent states with the legal capacity to enter into binding international agreements. Thus, they were effectively ceded by the United Kingdom to the Malayan Federation on 16 September 1963.

It is a historical fact that Malaysia was prematurely proclaimed as a de facto federation under a state of emergency, without the informed consent of the people of North Borneo and Sarawak and in breach of the Manila Accord 1963 to resolve the Philippines claim on Sabah. This process was inconsistent with their right to exercise self-determination freely. The federation was pushed through amidst mass arrests of thousands who were allegedly opposed to the plan in the context of ongoing warfare and civil unrest.

61 years after the event, the Federation has floundered and failed in its goal for a peaceful and progressive democratic union by alteration of its fundamental and foundational concept and principles, corroded by deep corruption and the plunder and impoverishment of the Borneo territories.

We therefore assert that even if MA63 was not invalid, it has been terminated and no longer binding on the remaining 3 component members by the following violations:

1. Betrayal of MA63’s Founding Principles

The Malaysia Agreement, which promised a Malaysia grounded in secularism and multiculturalism and development for Sabah and Sarawak, has been corroded by increasingly exclusionary and Malay-centric policies. These violations betray the promises of MA63 and guaranteed special rights which were used by the British and Malayan governments to induce the Borneo people of the diverse communities to give up real independence for “independence in Malaysia”. This deviation from foundational values is not just a breach of the MA63 covenant but a profound injustice against the Sabah and Sarawak people.

2. Systematic Marginalization and Alienation

The apartheid-like policies emanating from the federal government since institutionalisation of the New Economic Policy (NEP) have fostered a deep sense of estrangement among the people of Sabah and Sarawak This growing alienation is a reality echoed by political leaders who see their communities being marginalized and their voices silenced. The disregard for the rights and dignity of these communities is a stark reminder of the injustices perpetuated under the guise of national unity.

3. Cultural Dominance and Suppression

The Peninsula’s imposition of a narrow, ideology-driven cultural hegemony threatens to suffocate the rich multiculturalism that Project Malaysia was supposed to celebrate. The federal government’s relentless push for Malay-centric policies, including Bumiputera initiatives and a civil service aligned with the "Malay agenda," is a form of cultural suppression that stifles the diverse identities that is supposed to make up Malaysia. This cultural domination is an affront to the principles of freedom and justice enshrined by the 1945 UN Charter of Human Rights.

4. Ideological Overreach and Religious Imposition

The people of Sabah and Sarawak view that the Federation of Malaya increasingly resembles an ideological state intent on imposing its version of religion and social order. This imposition is a severe violation of their human rights. It unjustly infringes upon their right to live in accordance with their own values and beliefs, and it undermines the commitment to a secular state that was originally promised.

5. Ignoring Local Voices and Rights

The dominance of peninsula-based political parties has consistently sidelined the unique needs and voices of Sabah and Sarawak. Historical grievances, such as the manipulation of Sabah's demographics and the undermining of local political agreements, have only deepened the sense of injustice felt by these communities. The systematic disregard for their autonomy and rights is a clear violation of the principles of justice and fairness.

6. Erosion of Constitutional Safeguards

Despite recent attempts to realign the constitutional status of Malaya, Sabah, and Sarawak, the centralist tendencies of Putrajaya continue to weaken the original agreement, putting the integrity of the federation at risk. This erosion of constitutional safeguards is not just a political issue but a grave injustice that threatens the rights and freedoms of the people of Sabah and Sarawak.

7. Exploitation of Resources for Oppression

The wealth generated from Sabah and Sarawak’s oil and gas resources has been expropriated to develop Malaya and fuel the Putrajaya race-religion agenda, making the injustice even more painful and bitter to endure. This exploitation is a clear violation of the economic rights of the people of Sabah and Sarawak, contributing to their deep-seated resentment and desire for change.

8. Rejection of JAKIM’s Overreach

We unequivocally reject the imposition of JAKIM’s influence in the former British Borneo Territories. This intrusion represents an unconstitutional and egregious assault on the secular values and cultural autonomy cherished by the indigenous ethnic tribes of Borneo. The imposition of extreme interpretations of religion under the guise of governance is a direct attack on the freedom and rights of the people of Sabah and Sarawak, which we, as activists, cannot and will not tolerate.

A Call to Action: END 61 YEARS OF HUMILIATION!
We call for an end to 61 years of humiliation in Malaysia. The ongoing and abusive violations of the principles enshrined in the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), coupled with the rise of the Ketuanan Melayu ideology, have irreparably fractured the concept of Malaysia. The federal government continued to disregard the autonomy and rights of Sabah and Sarawak has compelled us to call for peaceful negotiations for separation from the federation and independence.

This is not a decision we make lightly, but the preservation of secularism, multiculturalism, and the rule of law is non-negotiable. The manner in which Malaysia has been governed has proven that it is a federation that fails to respect the rights and freedoms of all its people, without exception.

It is with a profound sense of the loss of control over our destiny that we arrive at this critical juncture. The pursuit of justice, freedom, and dignity for the people of Sabah and Sarawak leaves us with no other viable path. Independence is now our only option to secure the future our people deserve. Independence is our inalienable right!

Relevant information 

https://www.channelnewsasia.com/commentary/malaysia-sabah-sarawak-ma63-safeguards-demands-anwar-4571486

Daniel John Jambun - President Borneo's Plight in Malaysia Foundation (BoPiMaFo)

Robert Pei President - Sabah Sarawak Rights Australia New Zealand (SSRANZ)

Peter John Jaban -Publicity and information Chief Sarawak Association for People's Aspirations (SAPA)

Dr Kanul Gindol - Chairman Gindol Initiative for Civil Society Borneo 

Ricky Ganang - Penasihat Forum Adat Dataran Tanah Tinggi Borneo (FORMADAT)

Jovilis Majami - President Persatuan pembangunan sosial Komuniti Sabah (BANGUN)

Moses Anap - President Republic of Sabah North Borneo (RSNB)

CLEFTUS STEPHEN MOJINGOL - PRESIDENT PERTUBUHAN KEBAJIKAN RUMPUN DAYAK SABAH

Wednesday, 11 September 2024

Why we have the legal right to pursue independence for Sarawak

*Why we have the legal right to pursue independence for Sarawak?*

Magic was done since 1974! Malayans use their political skills to overcome all legal obstacles to annex Sarawak and Sabah as their territories.

We must note that Malaysia was set up under the State of Emergency (from 1962) in contravention of UN decolonisation laws and maintained with additional emergency declarations till all were lifted in 2011.

In other words, the entire set-up with its post-1963 laws and structures enforced in Sarawak and Sabah was illegal. 

*That is Malaysia is a de facto state enforced by the Malayan military occupation of Sarawak and suppression of the independence movement from 1963.*

This does not need a court of law to confirm. The emergency was a fact and it was acknowledged by the Malayan UMNO gov't that certain laws were not constitutional and binding but they have conveniently excluded the Continental Shelf Act 1966(CSA66), Petroleum Development Act 1974(PDA74) and the New Economic Policy (NEP) structures. 

This alone renders the Malayan takeover under the Malaysia Plan as illegal as clearly the people never gave consent to this. 

It is also one of the three legal reasons for MA63 invalidity. The other two are the lack of Singapore ,Sabah and Sarawak (SSS) legal capacity to sign MA63 and the illegal objective of maintaining S'pore in Malaysia as part of the British Cold War military strategy. 

All 3 points were also dealt with by the International Court of Justice (lCJ) in the Chagos Islands case 2019.

PBK on its part shall continue to fight for Sarawak independence as we all now know that Malaysia was not formed in accordance with established international law and protocols and that the acquisition of Sarawak as part of Malaya was illegal as it was against the will of the people due to deception, intimidation, harassment, duress, bribery, cheating, misrepresentation and many under hand tactics.

PBK will fight on with legal and with peaceful means to get Sarawak out of Malaysia.

The first step will be to be the government of Sarawak and we need to tell our people of this process before we can be able to execute other strategies to gain independence.

God saves PBK, God saves Sarawak!



VOON LEE SHAN 
Parti Bumi Kenyalang 

11 September 2024

Tuesday, 10 September 2024

Necessary amendments on the Territorial Sea,EEZ and Continental Shelf of SS

Necessary amendments on the Territorial Sea, EEZ and Continental Shelf of Sarawak and Sabah
By Alex Ling on April 7, 2019, Sunday 

WHY did the federal government want to reduce the 12 nautical miles of the Territorial Seas of Sarawak and Sabah to 3 nautical miles even though protected by 7FCs, 7PMs and UNCLOS 1982?

The federal government wanted desperately the O&G, minerals and fisheries even from 3 to 12 nautical miles, not satisfied with the 200 nautical miles of erroneous imposition of its purported rights of the Exclusive Economic Zones (“EEZ”) under the federal imperium which has only sovereignty between nations, administrative control and duty to protect the Territorial Seas of the Coastal Borneo States of Sabah and Sarawak (“CSOSS”). On grounds of national interest, even knowing the void and illegal PDA1974 and similar status for the vesting instrument and Oil Agreement dated 27th March 1975, PM Tun Razak still needed and wanted the sole licensing rights and 80 per cent of the O&G of Sarawak and Sabah to fulfil his vision of the Rostov-take-off of Malaysia’s economy, to transform the rustic Peninsula Malaysia to a modern Third World Country and the financial obligations of MA1963 for the Borneo States by Petronas. But unfortunately, it was at the expense of the Borneo States, as explained in Part III already with oil rocketed 3 folds due to OPEC and projected 18 folds later.

The Territorial Sea, EEZ and the Continental Shelf of the CSOSS have to be redefined, incorporated or amended similar to some countries with international boundaries in the FC, as shown in the map attached with different and delineated colours. The CSOSS would have a definite meaning under the International Conventions, eg under the United Nations Convention on the Laws of the Sea 1982, (UNCLOS).

Articles 1 and 2 of the FC with the EEZ Act 1984, Fisheries Act 1985 passed right after UNCLOS 1982 and Territorial Sea Act 2012 (“TSA 2012”) must be amended together. (A) Territorial Sea

So, the Territorial Seas of the CSOSS have to be defined and incorporated in the new Article 2 A(I) of the Federal Constitution (“FC”), if thought fit, as follows :

“The breath of the territorial sea of the CSOSS shall be to a limit not exceeding 12 nautical miles, measured from baselines determined in accordance with Article 3 Section 2 Part II of the United Nations Convention on the law of the Sea 1982, III ratified by Malaysia and entered into force on 14th November, 1996.” (“UNCLOS 1982”).

Thus, the Territorial Sea Act 2012 (“TSA 2012”) shall be amended by incorporating the new Article I(3), if thought fit, to read as follows :

I(3) This Act shall not be applicable to the Coastal Borneo States of Sabah and Sarawak.” TSA2012 was in breach of that Article 3 of UNCLOS 1982, Sarawak Land Code 1958, Sabah Land Ordinance and Sarawak Oil Mining Ordinance 1958 now the OM(A)O 2018 amended under Article 162(2) of the FC, 7FCs, 7PMs and UNCLOS 1982. The 3 nautical miles of territorial sea is applicable only to the states of Malaya.

Under international law, the federal government of Malaysia with imperium has the sovereign right and equally the duty between nations to control the navigation and to protect the safety and security, environmental control and export of O&G under Item 8(j) of the Federal List I, subject to Item 2(c) in the State List of Sarawak and Sabah with the exclusive dominions and rights to issue PSCs or licences under their respective oil and gas stretching from onland to 350 nautical miles offshore in their respective continental shelf reinforced by Items 2(a) on land and 2(d) with no compulsory acquisition by the federal government, fortified by Articles 76(4) and 95(d) of the FCs.

But the federal imperium which cannot be superimposed on the protective municipal laws of the CSOSS does not confer any right on the O&G and minerals within that 9 nautical mile nor the 12 nautical miles from the baselines of Sabah and Sarawak nor within their 200 nautical miles of their respective EEZ nor within their respective continental shelf of 360 nautical miles which would cover their respective Territorial Seas of 12 nautical meters miles, the contiguous zone and 200 nautical miles of EEZ already.

The dominions of CSOSS are further safeguarded by the 7FCs and 7PMs while Article 13 of the FC on compulsory acquisition of O&G would only be applicable to the states of Malaya.

Act 354 must be repealed. The original Article I of the FC can only be restored or amended by amending Article 4 of the Malaysia Bill first by the legislative councils of the Borneo States under the second-tier of entrenched FC’s provisions, explained in Part I(A), except on Article 1(2)(b) it shall be “Sabah and Sarawak, the Borneo States or Territories.” On Article 1(2)(c), Singapore must be deleted. To restore only Article 1 is inadequate and incomplete. Still, the Borneo States cannot be equal partners with or of the federal government. Please see Part V.

(B) O&G under the respective continental shelf of Sabah and Sarawak are under their dominions

A new Article 2A(2) of the FC on the continental shelf, if thought fit, shall be incorporated to prevent confusion on the dominions of the CSOSS on their O&G within their 350 nautical miles while the federal imperium only has the supervisory and administrative control under Item 8(j) mentioned above, but no powers to acquire rights, to license and own the oil and gas before and after Malaysia Day. PDA1974 is still unconstitutional, void and has illegally usurped and breached the 7PMs and 7FCs of the CSOSS and UNCLOS 1982.

The purported vesting instrument based on the void and illegal PDA1974 by YAB Tun Rahman on 27th April 1975, Sarawak’s Oil Agreement of the same date have been demonstrated to be void and illegal under the void Section 2(2) of PDA1974 with the Schedule used for the purported vested instrument annexed. There was also a fraudulent misrepresentation or concealment that would allow also recission of that vesting instrument. Tun Razak implored Tun Rahman to execute the purported vested instrument only to show to Tun Mustapha and Tun Fuad to convince them to amend Section 48 of the Sabah Land Ordinance from 99 years to perpetuity to be the same as Section 13(1)(a) of the Sarawak Land Code and no more. Both leaders of Sabah had refused to do so, as amplified in Part VI.

So, the new Article 2A(2) on the continental shelf of the CSOSS shall be incorporated, if thought fit, as follows :

“The continental shelf of the Coastal Borneo States of Sabah and Sarawak comprises the seabed and subsoil of the submarine areas that extend beyond their territorial seas throughout the natural prolongation of their respective land territories to the outer edge of the continental margin, or to a distance of 200 nautical miles from the baselines from which the breadth of the territorial sea is measured where the outer edge of the continental margin does not extend up to that distance. The fixed points comprising the line of the outer limits of the continental shelf on the seabed, either shall not exceed 350 nautical miles from the baselines from which the breadth of the territorial sea is measured or shall not exceed 100 nautical miles from the 2,500 metre isobaths which is a line connecting the depth of 2,500 metres, as defined in Article 76 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea 1982.”

(C) Exclusive Economic Zone Act 1984 (Act 311) (“EEZA 1984”)

The 200 nautical miles of EEZ belongs to Sarawak and Sabah. Is that correct?

Yes. The EEZs of Sabah and Sarawak including their exclusive dominions and rights to issue licences on their oil and gas under Articles 4 and 5 of EEZ Act 1984 shall be amended and incorporated as the new Article 2A(3), if thought fit, as follows :

“The Exclusive Economic Zones of the Coastal Borneo States of Sabah and Sarawak are areas of 200 nautical miles from the baselines beyond and adjacent to their respective territorial seas of the contiguous zone, subject to the specific legal regime established in Part V of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982 under which the rights and jurisdiction of these Coastal Borneo States are governed by the relevant provisions of the said convention.”

As the EEZ Act 1984 was deliberately passed after UNCLOS 1982, therefore the federal government would have to amend it with the following proviso in Article I(1) of the EEZ Act 1984, if thought fit, as follows :

“This Act may be cited as the Exclusive Economic Zone Act 1984 and shall apply only to the exclusive economic zone and continental shelf in the states of Malaya, but not to the Coastal Borneo States of Sabah and Sarawak.”

A new Article I(2) of the PDA1974 shall be inserted similarly, already done in Part II.

Article I(2) of EEZ Act 1984 needs to be deleted with reference to the repealed Continental Shelf Act 1966 in 2011.

The map showing the EEZ areas with 200 nautical miles of the Coastal Borneo States of Sabah and Sarawak should be corrected in the EEZ map attached to the Fisheries Report of the federal government, namely the EEZ is respectively “of” not “off” Sabah and Sarawak, as shown in the map attached.

(D) Fisheries Act 1985 (AC 317)

Should Fisheries Act 1985 be amended? Yes, because they belong to the CSOSS. In line with the amendment and returning the rights on fisheries in the 200 nautical miles of EEZ of the CSOSS under Part V of the UNCLOS 1982 which was passed after MA1963, so the new definition needs to be incorporated in Article 1(1) of the Fisheries Act (FA 1985), if thought fit, to read as follows:

“This Act may be cited as the Fisheries Act 1985 and shall only be applicable to the fisheries in the Economic Exclusive Zone of the states of Malaya but not to the Exclusive Economic Zones of the Coastal Borneo States of Sabah and Sarawak.” That should be amended along with the restoration, revision and reformation of MA1963 overdue since 1973.

Besides, Item 9(d) of the Federal List I should be amended, if thought fit, to read as follows:

“Maritime, fishing and fisheries, including turtles shall not be applicable to the Coastal Borneo States of Sabah and Sarawak.”

Non-Negotiable Rights

What are the four non-negotiable rights of Sarawak under MA1963 stated by the Sarawak’s Chief Minister?

They are namely as follows:

Immigration, autonomy, “land” resources under Sarawak Land Code including oil, gas, minerals and fisheries and protection of misconceived territorial sea of the 12 nautical miles which was unconstitutionally reduced by federal imperium to 3 nautical miles under the Emergency Legislations No 7, 10, 11, Act 354, EEZ Act 1984 and TSA2012 related to the Territorial Sea and the untouchable dominion of the O&G of Sarawak from onland to its 350 nautical miles of continental shelf protected by the 7FCs, 7PMs and UNCLOS 1982. These were amplified in my previous articles of 21, 22 and 23 September 2018.

For the practical, legal and political solutions on grounds of national interests and service, if I may suggest, or our YAB Chief Minster would have considered this approach to overcome a more political than a legal impasse to resolve the real issues at hand with a degree of Sarawak’s magnanimity.

i. The federal government will have to honour their PH’s assurances under Article VIII of MA1963 to be implemented outside the constitution, not as mere political manifesto on the “20 per cent affordable royalty or equivalent state sale tax” on O&G and their by-products now and over the next few years under Item 7 Part V 10th Schedule expounded in my article of 11/11/18, Part I.

That would include the special grants due since the one payment of RM16 million (Escalation) in 1973. Hopefully, subsections (5) and (6) of Section 112D will not have to be triggered between the needs of Sarawak under MA1963 and the health of the Federal Treasury, requiring a final binding decision of an independent assessor.

ii. The federal government would have to honour and accept the dominions of the CSOSS on their O&G, minerals since the repeals of the Continental Shelf Act 1966, Petroleum Mining Act, Emergency Ordinance (No 7, 10, 11) and now on stipulating that the PDA1974, EEZ Act 1984, Fisheries Act 1985 and TSA2012 would not be applicable to the CSOSS.

iii. The reason for the additional 5 per cent oral and unofficial royalty for the development grant assured under Article VIII of MA1963 by Tun Razak was for Sarawak aborting the declaratory judgment on PDA1974 in the Privy Council, London as the quid pro quo, amplified in my article of Part III of 13th November 2018. That 5 per cent was paid out of the 10 per cent cash payment under Article 4 of PDA1974. That is enforceable also under Article 3(a) of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties apart from the Customary International Law. Sarawak should have received double the royalty up to date. Only some small part payments of that unofficial 5 per cent royalty traceable have been made by the federal government out of the 10 per cent cash payment.

But because of the huge national debt of less than Rm1 trillion, this unofficial 5 per cent additional development grant/royalty shall be hugely discounted for federal’s benefit and replaced by new terms in this Settlement Agreement, namely after 20 per cent royalty state sale tax being imposed and received by Sarawak, 2.5 per cent more of the same state sale tax shall be imposed 3 years thereafter, with another 2.5 per cent after another 3 years later, totalling 25 per cent.

Twelve years from the receipts of payments of 20 per cent royalty or equivalent Sarawak shall only impose another 5 per cent, totalling 30 per cent of royalty or state sale tax with the final 5 per cent totalling 35 per cent for Sarawak 5 years thereafter before the O&G run dry earlier than expected with recovery of only 29 per cent for oil and 40 per cent for gas (boe) unknown to the public for reserves from P1 to P3.

iv.On the other hand, the Sarawak government/Petros shall irrevocably assign to the federal government the balance of all the revenues from the share profit of O&G or split barrels thereof from Sarawak/Petros to be accepted by the federal government and Petronas as the sole regulator and right to issue PSCs and other licences under 2(c) of the Ninth Schedule with the result that the federal and Petronas will still have 50 per cent to 55 per cent of the revenues from the 22 per cent tax with deductions, Petronas’s profits and the balance of the share profit or split barrels of O&G. Naturally, the federal government will need to fulfil the financial obligations overdue under MA1963 and restore autonomy too for CSOSS.

v. Petronas should assign all the carried interests between 10 per cent to 25 per cent in all, not many, the older generations of PSCs to Petros plus 2 per cent state equity cash flow as well in each of the PSC to Petros/Sarawak government. Petronas’s subsidiaries, Cari Karli and Vestigo Petroluem would be good partners and contractors, apart from local qualified companies with professional expertise, experience and capital, working transparently at all levels to prevent leakages and wastages.

So ultimately, the federal and Petronas will still be guaranteed to receive 50 per cent to 55 per cent of the revenues, while Petros will receive only 35 per cent royalty when amended or state sale tax equivalent in the legal and political settlement with a win-win formula. The final details can be ironed out. vi.No doubt, Petronas would also have to undertake to furnish all the financial accounts related to Sarawak’s operations, geological reserves, logging data with 3D interpretations, status of each PSC and expiring dates, sums and parts, all sales of O&G in real times and all data from the Data Room and setting up digital monitoring devices with CCTV on the pumps, AIS of the FPSO and others to prevent leakages and confirm the correct production records or sales in real times between Petronas and Petros and the contractors for DUN. Even the top management of Petronas similar to other “Seven Sisters” is never certain on all the offshore activities by remote control at present. Transparency encourages efficiency and corporate governance, always with room for refinements. “Oil” is always a greasy business, according to Jonathan Black.

We hope the present federal government under Tun Mahathir would be fair-minded, with a far-sighted vision to accomplish these legal and political settlements of the Sarawak and Sabah’s O&G and to restore, revise and reform MA1963 as his last momentous parting legacy to be remembered for generations in the annals of our Malaysian, Sarawak and Sabah history.

Monday, 9 September 2024

章节50 16/9/23 Khairy访谈 Wan Junaidi

章节50 16/9/23 (6) Khairy 访谈Wan Junaidi 

MA63协议于2021年才被重视,并于2022年宪报才公布。 所以这个协议里承诺的事情还有很多没有履行。 这就是为什么人们听到MA63时会产生误解。 

他认为协议只有两个方面,但IGC报告内容本身有很多协议尚未实现 这是第一;第二是 1969 年紧急状态发生时。   

联邦政府利用紧急状态来侵犯沙砂,并从我们手中夺走的砂拉越和沙巴的权利。 因此,这是砂拉越人不满的首要原因,因为承诺的东西没有得到兑现。第二个原因是关于已给出但被撤回。  

此后,还有很多被撤回。 不仅如此,协议中还有一些条款尚未落实,因此引起砂拉越人民普遍的不满。  

第112D条文的目的是砂拉越应获得特别补助金。 然而,1965年,砂拉越获得了400万令吉; 1966年,800万令吉,双倍; 1969年,捐赠了1600万令吉。 之后就停止了,直到希盟讨价还价给我们3200万令吉。

我在下议院讲过这件事,并问这是怎么一回事。我们没有公式以及如何给予。他们就是随意发送这数目给砂拉越人。 马联邦就是这样对待我们。 我们只是要求我们的权利。  

例如,砂拉越幅员辽阔;沙巴比半岛上任何其他州都大。 但是在 基础设施方面,没有水;也没有道路;我们从联邦获得的唯一大项目是纳吉时期的泛婆罗洲高速公路。 实际上没有任何东西可以满足 11D 的要求。

Episode 50 16/9/23 (6) Khairy interviewed Wan Junaidi
Agreement MA63 was only entered in 2021 and gazetted in 2022 to start its implementation. So there are still many things promised in this agreement not being carried out. That is why people misunderstand when they hear MA63. 

He thinks the agreement only has two sides but in the IGC Report the content itself there are many agreements that have not yet been realized. That's one, the second when the 1969 Emergency happened.   

The Federal Administration used the Emergency to encroach into the rights of Sarawak and Sabah which were taken from us. So this is number one reason for the dissatisfaction of Sarawakians that what was promised was not given; the number two reason is about what was given but withdrawn.  

After that, there are many more that have been withdrawn. Not only that, there are some that in the agreement have not been implemented yet, so all these cause the dissatisfaction to Sarawakians.  

The purpos of article 112D is that Sarawak should be given the special grant. However, in 1965 Sarawak was given RM4 million; in 1966, RM8 million, double; in 1969, RM16 million was given. After that it stopped until Pakatan Harapan came into bargain to give us RM32 million.

I spoke about this in the dewan and asked what is this thing. We don't have the formula and how you give. Just pluck from the one and send it to Sarawakians. This is how we are treated. We are only asking for our rights.  

Sarawak is vast for example; Sabah is larger than any other state in the peninsula. For the infrastructure, it does not have water; nor road; the only big one we get from the federation is the Pan-Borneo Highway only during Najib time. There is practically nothing that fulfills the requirements under 11D.

Saturday, 31 August 2024

彭女士求医历险记

彭女士求医历险记 27/5/2024
今年2月1日早晨,彭女士在自家的园地采野菜时,不小心跌倒。跌断了左手腕。马上采取的行动就是去离自家不远的大医院。进了紧诊部。 专科医生X-ray检查,上石膏从手臂到手指两节,只露出手指头,然后回家。

2月15日复诊,X-ray检查,一样,没有任何进展。查完,回家。

2月29日复诊,X-ray检查。彭女士整个被石膏包裹从手臂到两节的手指,经过大概28天石膏包裹,在通风不良下,皮肤已经瘙痒到不行。于是,要求医生,拆开。当时,她的皮肤看起来是皱皱的。

之后,医生吩咐从新打上石膏,然后回家休养。

3月14日复诊,X-ray,还是一样没进展。医生吩咐可以拆掉石膏。那时,她的弯头elbow,不能伸直而她的手腕完全失去灵活性。

医生提醒她多注重营养,告诉她以她62岁年龄,所以,是这样子的状况。吩咐她16/4回来复诊。

回到家后,彭女士总觉得医生有误诊。看到她的弯头elbow 有不正常的突出;手腕连上下的动作都无法做。她警觉事态严重。

于是,第二天15/3, 当天晚上11点半,独自就坐巴士前往古晋求医去。 到古晋时是16/3天亮了。她姐姐和表妹就到巴士站接她。

9点多就去见会接骨的中医师:断裂的接回,脱臼的按回,只背着绷带,就轻松回姐姐家休息。

三天后19/3复诊, 当天,她又坐巴士回诗巫。

现在,她在调养中,应该需要至少一年半载的时间才会完全复原吧!