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Sunday, 3 March 2024

Memorandum from the three parties

*Memorandum from* *the three Parties of* *North Borneo, Brunei,* *and Sarawak Against the "Malaysia" to the United Nations* 
 ( September 9, 1962 )


The three most representative parties in North Borneo, Brunei, and Sarawak, which are also actively leading the opposition to the Malaysia plan, submitted a memorandum to the Secretary-General of the United Nations on September 9, 1962, requesting the United Nations to intervene in the transfer of sovereignty of these regions from Britain to the Federation of Malaya, denying the rights of the local people and their independence.
 

In a letter accompanying this memorandum addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the chairmen of these three parties had requested the United Nations to promptly to provide them with an opportunity to testify orally before the Decolonization Committee or other appropriate bodies within the United Nations. The following is the full text of the memorandum:
 

This memorandum is jointly submitted by the following political organizations of British North Borneo, Brunei, and Sarawak:
 

(1) United National Organization of Barsomo Morgan in British North Borneo - a political party with thirty thousand members, the majority of whom are indigenous people of Borneo, residents, and hundreds of Chinese who were born in North Borneo or have chosen North Borneo as their home and allegiance.
 

(2) Brunei People's Party - a political party established in Brunei in 1956, with twenty-six thousand members, including all ethnic groups in Brunei, and enjoys overwhelming support from the people of Brunei.
 

(3) Sarawak United People's Party - the earliest and largest political party established in Sarawak, with forty-seven thousand members, including various ethnic groups such as the Dayak and Malay living in Sarawak, making it the most represented political party.
 

These three parties represented the nationalist movements in their respective regions. They are independently organized and are striving for self-government and independence in accordance with the natural desires of the people of British North Borneo.
 

Sarawak and British North Borneo (also known as Sabah) are referred to as British colonies with no representative government. The British government has repeatedly stated that it had allowed the people of these regions to establish autonomous governments and independence.
 

The Sultanate of Brunei was once ruled most of the territories of Sabah and Sarawak until the mid-nineteenth century. Brunei is currently a protected state of the British Commonwealth, and the political affairs of this country are greatly influenced by the British through its High Commissioner, but it does not have a representative government itself.
 

On May 27, 1961, Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman of the Federation of Malaya had made a statement on the concept of Malaysia, and it was immediately responded by the Malayan and Singapore governments. In response, the representatives from North Borneo and Sarawak had attended a regional conference of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association. The conference had recommended the establishment of the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee, the route and steps of which were decided or influenced by the representatives of the governments of Singapore and Malaya.
 

On November 23, 1961, the British and Malayan governments had issued a joint statement, considering the establishment of the "Malaysia Federation" and was a desirable goal, and hence they have decided to set up an investigation team to determine the opinions of the people of North Borneo and Sarawak and make recommendations.
 

The composition of the investigation team consisted of Sir Lord Cobbold (Chairman), Sir Anthony Abell (former Governor of Sarawak), Sir David Waterson, Datuk Wong Pow Nee, and Encik Mohamed Ghazali bin Shafie The chairman was jointly selected by the British and Malayan governments, and the other four members were appointed by the British and another two appointed by the Malayan governments respectively.
 

In light of the decision of the British government, the colonial governments of Sabah and Sarawak had supported the establishment of Malaysia and attempted to use all the propaganda tools at their disposal to secure favorably position to this proposal. Consequently, anyone opposing Malaysia in Sarawak and elsewhere was indiscriminately labeled as communist, tantamount to being described as "bandits" or "foreign agents."
 

The investigation team held meetings in twenty locations in Sarawak and fifteen locations in Sabah, meeting with a total of 4,000 people from 690 groups in Sarawak and Sabah without holding a nationwide referendum.
 

The Brunei government had established its own committee to determine the opinions of its people and submitted the results of its investigation to His Majesty the Sultan of Brunei.
 

During the investigation held in Sarawak, no public demonstrations were allowed while the investigation team was presented, hence a nationwide signature campaign was launched, with approximately 112,000 adult signatures opposing the Malaysia plan were collected and submitted to the investigation team. These signatures were collected in a very short time and in the face of government propaganda against opposition. Given that fifty-five percent of the total population of 750,000, which were non-adults, the actual number of people who had opposed the Malaysia plan should be even higher.
 

The estimation of the investigation team was that, one-third of the population unconditionally supports the realization of Malaysia, one-third conditionally supports it with guarantees, and the rest opposed it. This estimation was completely erroneous and was not supported by data and facts, and obviously, the independent impartial observers did not accept such an estimates.


In August 1962, the British and Malayan governments declared in a joint communique that they had proposed Malaysia Federation should be established on August 31, 1963, and a formal agreement should be reached within six months of signing the communique for the transfer of sovereignty of Sabah and Sarawak.
 

This decision had violated the Charter of the United Nations and its spirit, especially United Nations Resolution 1514 of December 14, 1960, and also had contradicted the fundamental principles of governance formulated by the White Rajah that had constituted the current constitution of Sarawak, which will be appended to this memorandum.
 

The findings of the committee appointed by His Majesty the Sultan of Brunei had shown that the vast majority of the people of Brunei had opposed to the Malaysia Federation.
 

Following a subsequent election, all 55 elected candidates of the only Brunei People’s Party had opposed to the formation of the Malaysia Federation. The Brunei People's Party used their opposition to the Malaysia Federation as their campaign platform.

 
The signatories of this memorandum appealed to and advocated the following to the United Nations: (1) The United Nations, in accordance with their declarations and resolutions, should intervene in the transfer of sovereignty of Sabah and Sarawak, as this transfer had denied the right of self-determination and full independence to the people of these regions; (2) An alternative solution was to hold a referendum organized and conducted by the United Nations before this transfer of sovereignty; (3) In accordance with the desires of free expression of the people, a federation comprising of Sabah, Sarawak, and Brunei should be established, with His Majesty the Sultan of Brunei as the constitutional head of this federation.
 

United National Organization Barsomo Morgan (signed by Chairman Song Dan)

Brunei People's Party (signed by Chairman Azhahari)

Sarawak United People’s Party (signed by Chairman Ong Kee Hui)


September 9, 1962

Saturday, 2 March 2024

The 9 cardinal Principles from Rajah

解读Rajah 的9项治理原则

1. 砂拉越是砂拉越人的。

2. 透过教育和经济发展改善砂民的生活水平。

3. 砂民人人平等,绝不允许特权剥削砂人或受保护的人。

4. 保障正义和有规范合理的自由。

5. 文笔言论表达和宗教自由。

6. 完全依赖人民善意合作的公务员就是公仆。

7. 公共服务是以公务员的品德绩效做考核。

8. 自治是砂民的终极目标;透过教育让砂民实践政治管理的义务,责任和特权。

9. 以往和现在的统治者都期待砂各种族和谐幸福生活在一起。未来继承者以及所有公仆都必须遵守这9项治国原则。

It is, no doubt, ridiculous of Uggah, the GPS YB to say that giving material aid to school, they need approval from the Ministry of Education/MoE.

As far as I know, each GPS YB is given RM3 million for Rural Transformation Projects and RM5 million for Rural Minor Projects.  

If they are not able to give material aid at will to help schools, then what for to be given so much.

What purpose does this MoE serve if it fails to facilitate schools in good deeds.

Do Sarawakians think that it is time to flush out the political thugs who fail to deliver?

Giving material aids to school requires the green light from federal government

It is, no doubt, ridiculous of Uggah, the GPS YB to say that giving material aid to school, they need approval from the Ministry of Education/MoE.

As far as I know, each GPS YB is given RM3 million for Rural Transformation Projects and RM5 million for Rural Minor Projects.  

If they are not able to give material aid at will to help schools, then what for to be given so much.

What purpose does this MoE serve if it fails to facilitate schools in good deeds.

Do Sarawakians think that it is time to flush out the political thugs who fail to deliver?

砂重启沿海政策理智吗?

为了航运业发展
砂重启沿海贸易政策。

不让外国货船到砂直接靠岸御货,砂重启沿海贸易政策,到底是符合那一门的逻辑?

咱们砂人所用的货物大都是来自中国。中国货船自接来砂靠岸下货进自家港口货仓库,既省钱又方便。

为了满足航运业主的需求,牺牲了无数人民的福祉合情合理吗, 砂交通部长李?

船运费从巴生港口由砂货船转运来砂:从外国货船到巴生港口下货,进货库;到又上货到砂货船这些费用,到底是航运业者或砂百姓承担呢?我希望砂交通部长李给砂民一个符合逻辑的讲解。

Thursday, 29 February 2024

砂土地掠夺者

你想知道砂拉越泰布占了多少土地吗?

泰布·马赫穆布(Taib Mahmub)拥有的财产清单。

1. 750公顷...在Sungai Lubai Tengah,Limbang Srwk Plantations该商业实体未私有化,由olh Hamid Sepawi(Taib的堂兄)和Hasmi b Hasnan拥有60%的股权。

2. 4,400公顷...在Sungai Medalam,Lawas Celerity Design Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib(Taib Mahmud的儿子)。

3. 9.000公顷...在Batang,Limbang Future Atmosphere Sdn Bhd Abu Bekir Taib。

4. 11,000 公顷位于 Limbang 的 Ulu Medamit – Dataran Aras Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib。

5. 3,000公顷...在美里廷贾尔 – Amazing Green Sdn Bhd – Teresa Toyad(与前国务秘书结婚的 Taib 家族)和 SCORE Wilson Baya Dandot 的首席执行官。

6. 750公顷...在街上,美里。

7. 2,000公顷...在trbang油田的重要位置,美里 – Kumpulan Parabena Sdn Bhd & Must Bersatu Sdn Bhd Taib Mahmud & Raziah Mahmud。

8. 500公顷...在美里的Sungai Sibuti – Premium Haven Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib。

9. 5,000公顷...在Sungai Teru & Batang Baram – Essential Straits Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib。

10. 1,100 公顷位于 Sungai Karap Umpama Mantap Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib。

11. 10,000 公顷,位于 1208 号地块 Sungai Karap – Abu Bekir Taib。

12. 50公顷...位于 Jalan Tusan, Sibuti – Ukiran Mantap Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib。

13. 4,000 公顷位于 Tinjar 的 Sungai Bok – Log Oak Promotion Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib。

14. 4,500 公顷的 Sungai Tutoh Syarikat Radiant Lagoon – Abu Bekir Taib。

15. 5,000公顷的土地,位于Sungai Karap & Sungai Kulak – Amgreen Gain Sdn Bhd – Ibrahim Mahmud(Taib的兄弟/姐妹)。

16. 50公顷...在Sungai Karabungan,Niah – Hamid Sepawi(Taib的堂兄)和Hasmi b Hasnan。

17. 31,000公顷...NCR在Long Lamai – Merawa Sdn Bhd(Samling Global的子公司)的土地。

18. Jalan Setium – Mega Bumimas Sdn Bhd(Ta An – Hamed Sepawi(Taib的堂兄)的子公司)占地2,600公顷。
19. Similajau – Sahua Enterprise Sdn Bhd – Mohamid Morshidi bin Abdul Ghani(砂拉越国阵秘书)的 10,000 公顷土地。

20. 4,500公顷...在Similajau – Derawan Sdn Bhd – Mohamid Morshidi bin Abdul Ghani(砂拉越国阵秘书)。

21. 15,000公顷...位于 Ba Jawi Samling Plywood (Miri) Sdn Bhd 的 Penans 的 NCR 土地。

22. 1,600公顷...在 Setuan – Hasmi Hasan(Taib 代理)。

23. 10,000 公顷位于 Sungai Takan 和 Ulu Sungai Nyatak, Tatau – Ikrar Bumi Sdn Bhd Elia Geneid(Taib 的侄女)。

24. 8,000公顷...在Balingian(该地区大部分地区最初是hutam Simpan Setuan Besar) – Saradu Plantations Sdn Bhd,Organic Treasure Sdn Bhd和Kumpulan Parabena Sdn Bhd – Raziah Mahmud(adik Taib)和Robert Geneid(Taib的姐夫)。

25. 10,000公顷...在乌鲁穆卡 – 砂拉越种植园 该商业实体已被私有化,60% 的股权由 olh Hamid Sepawi(Taib 的堂兄)和 Hasmi b Hasnan 拥有。

26. 5,000公顷...在Mukah – Delta Padi Sdn Bhd(Taib Mahmud)和LCD(主席是Taib Mahmud)。

27. Sungai Bawan 的 5,000 公顷土地 – Palmlyn Sdn Bhd Taib Mahmud 和 Arip Mahmud。

28. 13,000公顷的土地,位于Sungai Bawan Golden Star Ace Sdn Bhd – Taib Mahmud & Arip Mahmud。

29. 4,000 公顷位于 Sungai Sikat, Mukah – Bella Magic Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib。

30. 肯尼亚 Rajah Mutiara Sdn Bhd Taib Mahmud 和 Arip Mahmud 的 5,000 公顷土地。

31. Loba Kabang 的 2,000 公顷土地 – Victoria Square Development Sdn Bhd Ibrahim Mahmud(Taib 的兄弟/姐妹)。

32. Penasu Igan – Victoria Square Development Sdn Bhd Ibrahim Mahmud(Taib 的兄弟/姐妹)的 2,050 公顷土地。

33. 5,000公顷的土地,位于Batang,Oya和Batang Mukah – Kub Sepadu Sdn Bhd – Hamid Sepawi(Taib表亲)之间。

34. Sungai Retus – Hariyama Sdn Bhd Taib Mahmud & Arip Mahmud 的 10,500 公顷土地。

35. 768公顷...在Pasai Siong,Sungai Retus – Masretus Oil Palm Plantation Sdn Bhd Ibrahim Mahmud(Taib的兄弟),Yahya bin Ibrahim(Taib的侄女)和Mahmud bin Ibrahim(Taib的侄女)。
36. 400公顷...在Tulai Meradong – Delta Padi Sdn Bhd(Taib Mahmud)和LCD(主席是Taib Mahmud)。

37. 2,000公顷...在诗巫的巴塘黎巴嫩 – Delta Padi Sdn Bhd (Taib Mahmud) & LCDA(主席是 Taib Mahmud)。

38. 100公顷...在诗巫的Sungai Lengan – Delta Padi Sdn Bhd(Taib Mahmud)和LCDA(主席是Taib Mahmud)。

39. 600公顷...在双溪马来,美拉东 – 砂拉越种植园 – 该商业实体已私有化,60% 的股权由 olh Hamid Sepawi (Taib 的堂兄) 和 Hasmi b Hasnan 拥有。

40. Batang Lassa 的 1,113 公顷土地 – Europalm Sdn Bhd(Ta Ann Holdings 的子公司)– Hamid Sepawi(Taib 的堂兄)。

41. 1,500公顷...在达罗的Jin Matu – Europalm Sdn Bhd(Ta Ann Holdings的子公司)Hamid Sepawi(Taib的堂兄)。

42. 90公顷...在Kampung Tebang,Batang Lassa,Daro – Multi Maximum Sdn Bhd(Ta Ann Holdings的子公司)Hamid Sepawi(Taib的堂兄)。

43. 布鲁伊特岛的15,000公顷土地 – Eastern Eden Sdn Bhd & Poh Zhen Sdn Bhd – Arip Mahmud (兄弟/姐妹 Taib)、Ali Mahmud (Taib 的兄弟/姐妹) 和 Azerina Mohd Arip (Taib 的姐夫)。

44. Paloh Delta Padi Sdn Bhd (Taib Mahmud) & LCDA(主席是 Taib Mahmud)的 7,700 公顷土地。

45. 9,000 公顷土地位于 Sungai Machan Tengah – Polar Tower Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib(Taib 的儿子)。

46. 5,000公顷...在Sungai Selepong & Sungai Kawasan – Ample Agro Sdn Bhd – Fatimah Abdul Rahman(YB Norah binti Abdul Rahman的妹妹/妹妹,也是Taib的堂兄)。

47. Sri Aman Bijat Land District 的 70,000 公顷土地 – 几家公司管理着 olh Titanium Management Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib(Taib Mahmud 的儿子)。

48. Sungai Klauh & Sungai Dor – Tabaruk Abadi Sdn Bhd Ali Mahmud(Taib Mahmud的兄弟/姐妹)的2,300公顷土地。

49. 700公顷...在Sungai Batang Klauh – Sarawak Plantations该商业实体已私有化,60%的股权由olh Hamid Sepawi(Taib的堂兄)和Hasmi b Hasnan拥有。
50. 900公顷...在Melugu,Sri Aman - 砂拉越油棕 - 该商业实体也已私有化,60%的股权由olh Hamid Sepawi(Taib的堂兄)和Hasmi b Hasnan拥有。

51. 7,000公顷的Simunjan Gedong Plantation Sdn Bhd –Naroden Majais(国阵政治家)。

52. 5,000公顷土地在Batang Sadong – Indranika Jaya Sdn Bhd – Naroden Majais(国阵政治家)。

53. 5,600公顷...在Batang Sadong – Hydroflow Sdn Bhd – Naroden Majais(国阵政治家)。

54. 700公顷...在Sungai Igom – Poliga Sdn Bhd – Ahmad bin Su'ut (bomoh Taib Mahmud)之间。

55. 1,000公顷...砂拉越种植园 – 该商业实体已私有化,60% 的股权由 olh Hamid Sepawi (Taib 的堂兄) d Hasmi b Hasnan 拥有。

56. 500公顷...在 Munggu Kupi,Serian – Ahmad bin Su'ut(萨满 Taib Mahmud)。

57. 354公顷...位于Serian的Batang Sadong和Ensengai路之间的Kampung Segenam的NCR土地居民 - 给予Usaha Jasamaju Sdn Bhd - Usaha Jasamaju Sdn Bhd的股东是Asset Teamwork Sdn Bhd(125,000个单位),Ting Kang Hwa(187,500个单位),Betty Yii Pick Koung(7,500个单位),Wong Kuok Kai(325,000个单位),Lau Hie Ping(75,000个单位),Wong Kuo Hea(375,000个单位), Knightswealth Sdn Bhd(50,000 个单位)、Chai Min Kian(125,000 个单位)、Lim Choo Tad(25,000 个单位)、Siew Meng Kun(55,000 个单位)、Century Merit Sdn Bhd(125,000 个单位)、Transwill Sdn Bhd(125,000 个单位)和 Butrasemari Sdn Bhd(900,000 个单位)——注:来自 Ta Ann Holdings 的 Lau Hie Ping、Wong Kuo Hea、Lim Choo Tad、Siew Meng Kun Kun 是砂拉越国阵成员党 SUPP 的政治家。 Butrasemari Sdn Bhd 与 Abdul Hamid Sepawi(Taib Mahmud 的代理人)的关系他是Ta Ann Holdings的执行主席。

58. 3,305公顷...在Sebangan – Quality Concrete Holdings Berhad Raziah Mahmud(Taib的妹妹/妹妹)。

59. Sungai Bakong & Sungai Karap – Polar Red Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib(Taib Mahmud 的儿子)的 10,000 公顷土地。
60. 700英亩(283公顷)...在古晋的Batu 13 – 必须是Bersatu Sdn Bhd,LCDA(主席是Taib Mahmud)和Lanco Plantations(Arip Mahmud家族 - Taib的兄弟/姐妹)。

61. 1,300公顷...在Kemajuan,Lembaga Sarawak Plantations – 该商业实体已被私有化,由olh Hamid Sepawi(Taib的堂兄)和Hasmi b Hasnan Taib拥有60%的股权 Taib的个人财富为150亿美元(460亿令吉) 家庭财产 210亿美元(640亿令吉)   

亲爱的大家,请记住,所有 RAKYAT 钱都不是 GPS 钱!

请尽可能广泛地向每一位马来西亚选民传阅!谢谢。

Sunday, 25 February 2024

Land in Taib Mahmud's possession

You want to know how much land in Sarawak Taib has taken?

SENARAI HARTA YG DI MILIKI OLEH Taib Mahmub. 

1. 750 hektar … di Sungai Lubai Tengah, Limbang Srwk Plantations Entiti perniagaan ini tlh diswastakn, 60% pegangan saham dimiliki olh Hamid Sepawi (sepupu Taib) & Hasmi b Hasnan.

2. 4,400 hektar … di Sungai Medalam, Lawas Celerity Design Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib (anak Taib Mahmud).

3. 9.000 hektar … di Batang, Limbang Future Atmosphere Sdn Bhd Abu Bekir Taib.

4. 11,000 hektar di Ulu Medamit, Limbang – Dataran Aras Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib.

5. 3,000 hektar … di Tinjar,Miri – Amazing Green Sdn Bhd – Teresa Toyad (keluarga Taib yg berkahwin dgn bekas Setiausaha Kerajaan Negeri) & CEO kpd SCORE Wilson Baya Dandot.

6. 750 hektar … di Jalan, Miri.

7. 2,000 hektar … di lokasi penting lapangan trbang, Miri – Kumpulan Parabena Sdn Bhd & Mesti Bersatu Sdn Bhd Taib Mahmud & Raziah Mahmud.

8. 500 hektar … di Sungai Sibuti, Miri – Premium Haven Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib.

9. 5,000 hektar … di Sungai Teru & Batang Baram – Essential Straits Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib.

10. 1,100 hektar di Sungai Karap Umpama Mantap Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib.

11. 10,000 hektar di Lot 1208 Sungai Karap – Abu Bekir Taib.

12. 50 hektar … di Jalan Tusan, Sibuti – Ukiran Mantap Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib.

13. 4,000 hektar di Sungai Bok, Tinjar – Log Oak Promotion Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib.

14. 4,500 hektar di Sungai Tutoh Syarikat Radiant Lagoon – Abu Bekir Taib.

15. 5,000 hektar di Sungai Karap & Sungai Kulak – Amgreen Gain Sdn Bhd – Ibrahim Mahmud (abang/adik Taib).

16. 50 hektar … di Sungai Karabungan, Niah – Hamid Sepawi (sepupu Taib) & Hasmi b Hasnan.

17. 31,000 hektar … tanah NCR di Long Lamai – Merawa Sdn Bhd (anak syarikat Samling Global).

18. 2,600 hektar di Jalan Setium – Mega Bumimas Sdn Bhd (anak syarikat Ta An – Hamed Sepawi (sepupu Taib).

19. 10,000 hektar di Similajau – Sahua Enterprise Sdn Bhd – Mohamid Morshidi bin Abdul Ghani (Setiausaha BN Sarawak).

20. 4,500 hektar … di Similajau – Derawan Sdn Bhd – Mohamid Morshidi bin Abdul Ghani (Setiausaha BN Sarawak).

21. 15,000 hektar … tanah NCR kaum Penan di Ba Jawi Samling Plywood (Miri) Sdn Bhd.

22. 1,600 hektar … di Setuan – Hasmi Hasan (proksi Taib).

23. 10,000 hektar di Sungai Takan & Ulu Sungai Nyatak, Tatau – Ikrar Bumi Sdn Bhd Elia Geneid (anak saudara Taib).

24. 8,000 hektar … di Balingian (sebahagian besar kawasan ini asalnya adalah hutam simpan Setuan Besar) – Saradu Plantations Sdn Bhd, Organic Treasure Sdn Bhd & Kumpulan Parabena Sdn Bhd – Raziah Mahmud (adik Taib) & Robert Geneid (ipar Taib).

25. 10,000 hektar … di Ulu Mukah – Sarawak Plantations Entiti perniagaan ini telah diswastakn, 60% pegangan saham dimiliki olh Hamid Sepawi (sepupu Taib) & Hasmi b Hasnan.

26. 5,000 hektar … di Mukah – Delta Padi Sdn Bhd (Taib Mahmud) & LCD (pengerusinya ialah Taib Mahmud).

27. 5,000 hektar di Sungai Bawan – Palmlyn Sdn Bhd Taib Mahmud & Arip Mahmud.

28. 13,000 hektar di Sungai Bawan Golden Star Ace Sdn Bhd – Taib Mahmud & Arip Mahmud.

29. 4,000 hektar di Sungai Sikat, Mukah – Bella Magic Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib.

30. 5,000 hektar di Kenyana Rajah Mutiara Sdn Bhd Taib Mahmud & Arip Mahmud.

31. 2,000 hektar di Loba Kabang – Victoria Square Development Sdn Bhd Ibrahim Mahmud (abang/adik Taib).

32. 2,050 hektar di Penasu Igan – Victoria Square Development Sdn Bhd Ibrahim Mahmud (abang/adik Taib).

33. 5,000 hektar di Antara Batang, Oya & Batang Mukah – Kub Sepadu Sdn Bhd – Hamid Sepawi (sepupu Taib).

34. 10,500 hektar di Sungai Retus – Hariyama Sdn Bhd Taib Mahmud & Arip Mahmud.

35. 768 hektar … di Pasai Siong, Sungai Retus – Masretus Oil Palm Plantation Sdn Bhd Ibrahim Mahmud(abang/ adik Taib), Yahya bin Ibrahim (anak saudara Taib) & Mahmud bin Ibrahim (anak saudara Taib).

36. 400 hektar … di Tulai Meradong – Delta Padi Sdn Bhd (Taib Mahmud) & LCD(pengerusinya ialah Taib Mahmud).

37. 2,000 hektar … di Batang Lebaan, Sibu – Delta Padi Sdn Bhd (Taib Mahmud) & LCDA (pengerusinya ialah Taib Mahmud).

38. 100 hektar … di Sungai Lengan, Sibu – Delta Padi Sdn Bhd (Taib Mahmud) & LCDA (pengerusinya ialah Taib Mahmud).

39. 600 hektar … di Sungai Melayu, Meradong – Sarawak Plantations – Entiti perniagaan ini telah diswastakan, 60% pegangan saham dimiliki olh Hamid Sepawi (sepupu Taib) & Hasmi b Hasnan.

40. 1,113 hektar di Batang Lassa – Europalm Sdn Bhd (anak syarikat Ta Ann Holdings) – Hamid Sepawi (sepupu Taib).

41. 1,500 hektar … di Jin Matu, Daro – Europalm Sdn Bhd (anak syarikat Ta Ann Holdings) Hamid Sepawi (sepupu Taib).

42. 90 hektar … di Kampung Tebang, Batang Lassa,Daro – Multi Maximum Sdn Bhd (anak syarikat Ta Ann Holdings) Hamid Sepawi (sepupu Taib).

43. 15,000 hektar di Pulau Bruit – Eastern Eden Sdn Bhd & Poh Zhen Sdn Bhd – Arip Mahmud (abang/adik Taib), Ali Mahmud (abang/adik Taib) & Azerina Mohd Arip (ipar Taib).

44. 7,700 hektar di Paloh Delta Padi Sdn Bhd (Taib Mahmud) & LCDA (pengerusinya ialah Taib Mahmud).

45. 9,000 hektar di Sungai Machan Tengah – Polar Tower Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib (anak Taib).

46. 5,000 hektar … di Sungai Selepong & Sungai Kawasan – Ample Agro Sdn Bhd – Fatimah Abdul Rahman (kakak/adik kpd YB Norah binti Abdul Rahman yg juga sepupu Taib).

47. 70,000 hektar di Bijat Land District, Sri Aman –beberapa buah syarikat yg diuruskan olh Titanium Management Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib (anak Taib Mahmud).

48. 2,300 hektar di Sungai Klauh & Sungai Dor – Tabaruk Abadi Sdn Bhd Ali Mahmud (abang/adik Taib Mahmud).

49. 700 hektar … di Sungai Batang Klauh – Sarawak Plantations Entiti perniagaan ini telah diswastakn, 60% pegangan saham dimiliki olh Hamid Sepawi (sepupu Taib) & Hasmi b Hasnan.

50. 900 hektar … di Melugu,Sri Aman – Sarawak Oil Palm – Entiti perniagaan ini juga telah diswastakan, 60% pegangan saham dimiliki olh Hamid Sepawi (sepupu Taib) & Hasmi b Hasnan.

51. 7,000 hektar di Simunjan Gedong Plantation Sdn Bhd –Naroden Majais (ahli politik BN).

52. 5,000 hektar di Batang Sadong – Indranika Jaya Sdn Bhd – Naroden Majais (ahli politik BN).

53. 5,600 hektar … di Batang Sadong – Hydroflow Sdn Bhd – Naroden Majais (ahli politik BN).

54. 700 hektar … di Antara Sungai Igom – Poliga Sdn Bhd – Ahmad bin Su’ut (bomoh Taib Mahmud).

55. 1,000 hektar … Sarawak Plantations – Entiti perniagaan ini telah diswastakan, 60% pegangan saham dimiliki olh Hamid Sepawi (sepupu Taib) d Hasmi b Hasnan.

56. 500 hektar … di Munggu Kupi, Serian – Ahmad bin Su’ut (bomoh Taib Mahmud).

57. 354 hektar … tanah NCR penduduk Kampung Segenam, di antara Batang Sadong & Ensengai Road, Serian –diberikan kpd Usaha Jasamaju Sdn Bhd –pemegang saham Usaha Jasamaju Sdn Bhd ialah Asset Teamwork Sdn Bhd (125,000 unit saham), Ting Kang Hwa (187,500 unit), Betty Yii Pick Koung (7,500 unit), Wong Kuok Kai (325,000 unit), Lau Hie Ping (75,000 unit), Wong Kuo Hea (375,000 unit), Knightswealth Sdn Bhd (50,000 unit), Chai Min Kian (125,000 unit), Lim Choo Tad (25,000 unit), Siew Meng Kun (55,000 unit), Century Merit Sdn Bhd (125,000 unit), Transwill Sdn Bhd (125,000 unit) & Butrasemari Sdn Bhd (900,000 unit) – Nota : Lau Hie Ping, Wong Kuo Hea, Lim Choo Tad, Siew Meng Kun drpd Ta Ann Holdings & Chai Min Kian adalah politikus parti komponen BN Sarawak iaitu SUPP. Butrasemari Sdn Bhd berkait dgn Abdul Hamid Sepawi (proksi Taib Mahmud) yg merupakan Pengerusi Eksekutif Ta Ann Holdings.

58. 3,305 hektar … di Sebangan – Quality Concrete Holdings Berhad Raziah Mahmud (kakak/adik Taib).

59. 10,000 hektar di Sungai Bakong & Sungai Karap – Polar Red Sdn Bhd – Abu Bekir Taib (anak Taib Mahmud).

60. 700 ekar (283 hektar)… di Batu 13, Kuching – Mesti Bersatu Sdn Bhd, LCDA (pengerusinya ialah Taib Mahmud) & Lanco Plantations (keluarga Arip Mahmud – abang/adik Taib).

61. 1,300 hektar … di Kemajuan, Lembaga Sarawak Plantations – Entiti perniagaan ini telah diswastakn, 60% pegangan saham dimiliki olh Hamid Sepawi (sepupu Taib) & Hasmi b Hasnan Kekayaan perbadi Taib ialah AS$ 15 Billion (RM 46 Billion) Harta keluarga AS$21 bilion (RM64 bilion)    

Dear all please remember this all RAKYAT money not BN money !!!

 KINDLY CIRCULATE TO EVERY MALAYSIAN VOTER, AS WIDELY AS POSSIBLE! THANKS.

Friday, 23 February 2024

Special rights-- article 153

*Special rights - Getting to the bottom of Article 153*

Kim Quek
Published: Dec 7, 2004 2:57 PM
Updated: Jan 29, 2008 6:21 PM

The recurring issue of Malay 'special rights' was again brought into focus when Parliamentary Opposition Leader Lim Kit Siang moved to reprimand Higher Education Minister Shaffie Salleh in Parliament for the latter's recent racial utterances.

Forty-seven years after Independence, racial issues continue to monopolise national politics, and championing Malay rights remains the single dominant ideology of the only ruling power that this independent nation has known, Umno.

Speeches have been made championing this Malay cause, using various terminologies such as Malay 'special rights', Malay 'special privileges' or simply Malay 'rights', often invoking the nation's Constitution as the legal back-up.

But, of the many politicians who have used these terminologies, how many have read through the Constitution to find out what these 'rights' really are?
If you have read through the Constitution to look for an answer to these Malay 'rights', perhaps the first thing that has struck you is that familiar terminologies such as Malay 'special rights', Malay 'special privileges' or Malay 'rights' are no where to be found.

Instead, we only find the term 'the special position of the Malays', which appears twice, in Clause (1) and Clause (2) of Article 153, which is titled 'Reservation of quotas in respect of services, permits, etc, for Malays and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak'.

(The natives of Sabah and Sarawak were only incorporated into the Constitution upon the formation of Malaysia in 1963, during which Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore were merged with Malaya to form Malaysia. In this letter, the words 'the natives of Sabah and Sarawak' will not be repeated after the word 'Malay' when I quote from the Constitution, for abbreviation purposes).

Anyone who has read through Article 153 might be surprised to discover that the provisions favouring Malays are in fact quite moderate, and certainly no way as stretched out in intensity and scope as our politicians would want us to believe.

Similarly, those provisions protecting the non-Malays as a counter-balance to the special position of the Malays under this Article are also surprisingly quite well-conceived and fair. In fact, when read in conjunction with Article 8 (Equality) and Article 136 (Impartial treatment of Federal employees), Article 153 cannot be construed as having significantly violated the egalitarian principles of our Constitution, contrary to common perception.

Since the egalitarian nature of our Constitution is largely intact, in spite of the presence of Article 153, then why should it have acquired such an adverse reputation as the legal root of all kinds of racial inequalities in this country?

Answer: The fault lies not with our Constitution but with our politicians twisting, misinterpreting and abusing it.

It is perhaps high time we get to the bottom of Article 153.

Clause (1) of Article 153 states: 'It shall be the responsibility of the Yang di Pertuan Agong to safeguard the special position of the Malays and the legitimate interests of other communities in accordance with the provisions of this Article'.

So, the first understanding that we must have on Article 153 is that it is meant to protect the interests of not only the Malays, but also those of the non-Malays.
Next, note the deliberate use of the words 'safeguard' and 'special position' (instead of 'special rights' or 'special privileges'). The choice of these words must be understood in the historical context of the drafting of this Constitution half a century ago when Malays were economically and educationally backward in relation to other races.

It was thought fit and proper then that there must be 'safeguards' to protect the Malays from being swarmed over by other races. Hence, the creation of the 'special position' of the Malays, which was obviously intended for defensive purposes: to protect and for survival.
The impeccable avoidance of using words like 'rights' and 'privileges', and the choice of the word 'safeguard' were clearly calculated to reflect its defensive nature. Under that historical context, the provision of the special position of the Malays in the Constitution certainly could not be interpreted to mean the endowment of racial privileges to create a privileged class of citizenship.

Clause (2) says that the Yang di Pertuan Agong shall safeguard the special position of the Malays by reserving positions 'of such proportion as he may deem reasonable' in a) the public service b) educational facilities and c) business licences.
Clauses (3) and (6) say that the Yang di Pertuan Agong may, for purpose of fulfilling Clause (2), give general directions to the relevant authorities, which shall then duly comply.

There is a separate clause covering the allocation of seats in tertiary education Clause (8A). It says that where there are insufficient places for any particular course of study, the Yang di Pertuan Agong may give directions for the '... reservation of such proportion of such places for Malays as the Yang di Pertuan Agong may deem reasonable; 
and the authority shall duly comply with the directions'.

As for the protection of non-Malays against possible encroachment of their existing interests, there are several provisions under different clauses in this Article, prohibiting the deprivation of the existing facilities enjoyed by them, whether in public service, education or trading licences.

Of these protective clauses, Clauses (5) and (9) are particularly significant.

Clause (5) consists of one sentence, which reads: 'This Article does not derogate from the provisions of Article 136'.
Article 136 also consists of one sentence, which reads: 'All persons of whatever race in the same grade in the service of the Federation shall, subject to the terms and conditions of their employment, be treated impartially.'

Clause (9) consists of one sentence, which reads: 'Nothing in this Article shall empower Parliament to restrict business or trade solely for the purpose of reservations for Malays.'
Reading Article 153 will not be complete without reading Article 89 (Equality). I will quote the more significant Clauses (1) and (2) of this Article in full, as follows:

*Clause (1) states: 'All persons are equal before the law and entitled to the equal protection of the law.*'

Clause (2) states: 'Except as expressly authorised by this Constitution, there shall be no discrimination against citizens on the ground only of religion, race, descent or place of birth in any law or in the appointment to any office or employment under a public authority or in the administration of any law relating to the acquisition, holding or disposition of property or the establishing or carrying on of any trade, business, profession, vocation or employment.'

Reading through these Articles of the Constitution, we are able to draw the following conclusions:

That the *clamour for Malay 'special rights' as sacrosanct racial privileges of a privileged race, especially under the ideological ambit of 'Ketuanan Melayu', is in conflict with the letter and spirit of the Constitution*.

That the *special position of the Malays as prescribed under Article 153 of the Constitution is limited in scope to only the reservation of reasonable quotas in these three sectors - public services, educational places and business licences*.

Hence, the *present rampant racial discriminations practiced in almost every facet of our national life are mostly violations of the Constitution*. Examples of these violations are:

*a) Racial discrimination in the appointment and promotion of employees in publicly-funded bodies, resulting in the latter becoming almost mono-raced bodies* (particular so in their top strata). These bodies include the civil service, the police, the army and various semi- and quasi-government agencies.
*b) Barring of non-Malays from tenders and contracts controlled directly or indirectly by the government*.
*c) Imposition of compulsory price discounts and quotas in favour of Malays in housing projects.*
*d) Imposition of compulsory share quotas for Malays in non-Malay companies.*
*e) Blanket barring of non-Malays to publicly-funded academic institutions.*
*f) A completely lopsided allocation of scholarships and seats of learning in clearly unreasonable proportions that reflect racial discriminations*.

*_Our Constitution provides for only one class of citizenship and all citizens are equal before the law_. The presence of Article 153 does not alter this fact, as it is meant only to protect the Malays from being 'squeezed' by other races by allowing the reservation of reasonable quotas on certain sectors of national life*.

However, this *Constitution has now been hijacked through decades of hegemony by the ruling party to result in the virtual monopoly of the public sector by a single race. The ensuing racism, corruption and corrosion of integrity in our democratic institutions have brought about serious retrogression to our nation-building process in terms of national unity, discipline, morality and competitiveness of our people*.

At this critical juncture, when nations in this region and around the world are urgently restructuring and shaping up to cope with globalisation, *our nation stagnates in a cesspool that has been created through decades of misrule*.

Unless urgent reforms are carried out, beginning with the dismantling of the anachronistic racial superstructure, we are in for serious trouble in the days ahead.