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Friday, 24 February 2023

安华任相百日,回顾历史

余清禄: 安华任相近百日 回顾当年史
( 19-02-2023 )

2月19日联邦教育部长竟然公告天下,“政府没有义务照顾独中!” ,这位人们寄予厚望的公正党部长还公然宣称因为不符合教育体系 *规定* 。

2月28日,安华任相就一百天了。砂拉越同胞们最关心的是,新首相在国会大选前尊严承诺,一旦他任相,无需协商(也有媒体翻译为无需过多协商),立即全部还给沙巴砂拉越在MA63 里的权益。在2022年11月19日他正式任首相后,还成立了负责此事的特别委员会,甚至在春节还特地到古晋召开这个会议,让犀乡同胞在自己的邦国被英国当作“礼物”送给马来亚六十年后的今天,看到了恢复邦国尊严的希望。然而,遗憾的是,从这些天报章上看来,事关沙巴、砂拉越、马来亚联合邦,三个平等伙伴地位的最重要问题,即拥有联邦国会三份之一席位,拿回原本的领海权,拿回原本100%油气权益及财政金融银行主权、教育主权、卫生主权等等,却都只字没提。甚至连象征我们砂拉越邦国地位的总理头衔都不敢承认,还要抛给统治者决定。

从上述情况来看,让我想起1963年9月16日前的一系列重要历史事实,就豁然理解了导致沙巴、砂拉越陷于如今如斯悲哀困境的由来。

请看下面依据解密文件和报章等的时间表,其所展现的事实,揭示当年英国如何与马来亚无视国际公道法律,肆意剥夺北婆罗洲和砂拉越本应获得独立自由权利的过程:

1946 年 7 月 1 日,英国政府将砂拉越、北婆罗洲和新加坡,吞并为“直辖殖民地”,并公开承诺砂拉越不会被纳入同样于 1946 年成立的马来亚联盟,并最终恢复其(北婆罗洲、砂拉越、新加坡)独立的权利。 这只是英国后来将殖民地纳入 1946 年成立的马来亚联盟所采取的步骤的一部分。该联盟于 1948 年解体,取而代之的是仍在英国殖民统治下的马来亚联合邦。

1957年 马来亚联合邦获得独立。

从1958年开始,英国人开始与马来亚秘密谈判,以在不给予独立的情况下,将砂拉越和北婆罗洲移交给马来亚(实质上就是从英帝国殖民地转给另一个国家为殖民地)。

1960年 英国殖民地副首席秘书AR Snellus先生迫于舆论质询的压力,他承认砂拉越独立不会被推迟。 这是在 14/12/1960 联合国宣布《 *去* 殖民化宣言》之前。

1961 年 5 月 27 日 - 马来亚首相东姑阿都拉曼宣布马来西亚计划接管汶莱、北婆罗洲(现称“沙巴”)和砂拉越。要注意,马来亚与英国政府是在没有事先咨询或征得婆罗洲人民的同意下,进行秘密谈判后, 两国政府宣布,拟议中的“联邦”是为了 “人民的利益”。 婆罗洲人民对英国与马来亚,完全无视他们的自决权感到惊讶,遂将马来西亚计划谴责为“新殖民主义计划”,并要求首先获得独立,在获得独立之后,大家再商量组织联邦事宜。因为,给予独立是英国政府在 1946 年吞并沙巴和砂拉越时所承诺的。这项1946年的吞并,和 之后1963年与马来亚的合并,是英国为巩固其东南亚战略利益和长期计划的大设计的一部分。

1962 年 1 月 17 日 - 无视人民的抗议,马来西亚联邦计划,以“询问人民的意愿”而不是全民投票的方式启动,这违反了联合国《关于非殖民化的第 1514 和 1541 号决议》。 英国政府成立了由前英国官员和马来亚官员(存在利益冲突)组成的科博德委员会进行“调查”。 调查和报告于 1962 年 4 月完成,但没有发布,因为马来亚认为它(《科博德调查团报告》)没有完全支持马来西亚,必须对其进行修改。

1962 年 7 月 31 日 - 英国和马来亚签署了一项秘密的建立马来西亚联邦的《协议》,其中包含一项应急条款,即在“必要”的情况下于 1963 年 8 月 31 日或之前,宣布正式组成“马来西亚”。 

1962 年 8 月 1 日,秘密协议部分公开宣布,声明两国政府同意组建马来西亚,但没有透露内容。 这是在延迟 4 个月后根据马来亚政府的要求对其进行修改后,于同一天发布《科博德调查团报告》。

1962 年 12 月 8 日- 为争取独立,而爆发的反马来西亚计划的汶莱起义(由英国特别部门煽动),英国随之宣布进入紧急状态,并在砂拉越逮捕了数千名所谓的“颠覆分子”(从 1962 年持续到 1980 年代)。

1962年 由汶莱人民党 (PRB) 领导的北婆罗洲(北加里曼丹)独立运动向联合国提出的要独立的诉求,因汶莱 “12.8事件” 而被中止。 这严重削弱了北婆罗洲和砂拉越对马来西亚的反对运动。 马来亚首相东姑阿都拉曼宣布,无论婆罗洲的紧急情况如何,马来西亚计划都将继续进行。

1963 年 2 月 2 日在新加坡进行大逮捕。

1963 年 4 月至 6 月在砂拉越举行的多层次议会选举 前,针对与反马来西亚计划的砂拉越人民联合党的大镇压,大大削弱和破坏了独立运动力量。 正如英国和马来亚预期的那样,亲马来西亚的政党赢得了多层次的选举,这被用来证明支持马来西亚是,“正当的”。 在此期间,马来亚政府与汶莱起义后开始反对马来西亚计划的印尼政府,以及声称拥有沙巴一部分领土的的菲律宾政府,到东京进行谈判。

1963年7月9日前夕,汶莱政府拒绝签署 MA63,因为苏丹担心汶莱最终会成为资助马来亚各州发展的“奶牛”,这反映出汶莱人民对他们的国家成为马来亚殖民地的恐惧。

1963 年 7 月 9 日 - 英国和马来亚、新加坡、北婆罗洲和砂拉越 三个殖民地,在持续武装冲突和镇压的强制紧急情况下,於伦敦签署了马来西亚协议 (MA63)。 这里需要说明的是:殖民地不具有法定地位,不得与具有主权的国家,进行签定具有约束力的国际协定(正如未成年者不具法定地位和成年异性签结婚证书)。 1963年,殖民地沙巴和殖民地砂拉越,由各自的英国总检察长和英国,所提名当地非民选代表,在未经人民授权的情况下到伦敦签署MA63,这违反了联合国第 1514 和 1541号决议案,也违反了国际法里的 订约规则,而使条约无效。

16/07/1963 – 印度尼西亚政府宣布不接受 MA63 作为有效条约,因为它未能遵守联合国决议。

1963 年 7 月 22 日——由英国驻砂拉越总督宣布任命的砂拉越首席部长宁甘和内阁,代表英国控制的殖民地立法机构,而不是一个由砂拉越人控制的独立立法机构,在这一天宣布砂拉越独立,但是英国却没有给予任何体现独立的主权。 这似乎是英国政府的疏忽?抑或是英国政府有意安排?

1963 年 7 月 31 日——马来亚与印度尼西亚和菲律宾签署了《马尼拉协议》,达成马来西亚成立的条件,是联合国对婆罗洲人民对马来西亚计划的意愿进行评估,并解决菲律宾要求。 於是,预定8 月 31 日的成立日期不得不推迟,等待联合国“评估”的结果。

1963 年 8 月 9 日——英国殖民大臣邓肯·桑迪斯 (Duncan Sandys) 通知他的伦敦办公室,联合国官员已保证评估结果,将有利于英国马来亚的计划,并使该问题免受联合国 *去* 殖民化委员会的审查。 在其他秘密通讯中,他还建议马来亚政府反对公投的想法。 马来亚首相及其常务秘书加沙里·沙菲益 (Ghazali Shafie) 是科博德委员会的成员,随后站出来反对印尼要求的公投。

1963 年 8 月 16 日至 9 月 5 日,联合国代表团对 英属婆罗洲 两个领土进行了粗略评估,结论是三分之一支持马来西亚计划,三分之一反对,三分之一有条件支持,结论是大多数支持。(而不是根据联合国第 1541 号决议第 9 条原则进行的全民投票),这是联合国秘书长承认的违反联合国去殖民化议定书的行为。

1963年8月28日,英国和马来亚政府在评估完成之前违反协议,抢先在联合国评估结果公布之前,将原先预定1963年8月31日的“马来西亚日”公布修改为1963年9月16日。 这是将联合国特派团的正式报告,视为无关紧要的表现。 但联合国没有中止任务,而是照预先的计划,向英国政府提供了亲马来西亚的报告。

1963 年 8 月 31 日 - 英国殖民大臣邓肯桑迪斯拒绝 *新加坡* 单方面宣布独立,并公开表示 MA63 和马来西亚不是让 *新加坡* ,沙巴和砂拉越独立,而是将它们转移到 马来亚。

1963 年 9 月 11 日 - 吉兰丹州政府起诉马来亚联邦政府,宣布 MA63 无效,因为它违反了《马来亚联合邦协议》,并在没有征求马来亚统治者和吉兰丹州政府的同意下,修改联邦宪法以接纳 3 名新成员(北婆罗洲、砂拉越、新加坡)。 唯一的主审法官判决 MA63 并非无效,但表示,他是在巨大的政治压力下行事,以促成 1963 年 9 月 16 日马来西亚得以公告。吉兰丹政府原可以对相关的上述决定提出上诉,但结果他们并没有如此做。

1963 年 9 月 14 日 - 联合国秘书长宇丹支持马来西亚,表示尽管其“评估”存在缺陷和妥协。与此同时,英国和马来亚政府无视国际社会对评估的抗议,抢先宣布得出联合国评估的结论,宣布马来西亚成立日期。

1963 年 9 月 16 日 - 英国和马来亚在持续武装冲突的紧急情况下“宣布”马来西亚联邦组成,尽管这项组成违反了《马尼拉协议》和《联合国 *去* 殖民化决议案》的要求和人权。

各位亲爱的砂拉越同胞,在看完了上述任人宰割的无奈的粗略编年史,在六十年后的今天,是否会有什么新的启发?

滚滚鹅江 西逝水,
国土鸠占呜呼 *呀* 
犀乡煎熬哀哉 *也* 
梦娜卷尽英雄 *们* 
一甲子岁月烟消灭
穆禄依旧还存在
峇南水浑片片黄
阿拜伊奈露台上
惊觉丛林尽失踪
又见河里没了鱼
山野猪儿哪里去?
犀鳥翩翩飞入家,
世外桃源今何在?
悲情苦痛诉不完
尽在无言苦笑中

Tuesday, 7 February 2023

Zainnal Ajamain's misconception on Jurisprudence of Federalism

Zainnal Ajamain’s misconception on Jurisprudence of Federalism

Zainnal Ajamain (‘ZA’), who is advising the Sabah Government, has unfortunately misperceived the intricacies of the analytic juris prudence on federalism and Federal Constitutional Monarchy. He made erroneous interpolations and interpretations on amending several serious violations of the FC under MA63 with ANNEX A, Malaysia ACT 1963 (MACT 63) and IGCR 1962 that would need the holistic approach, the raison d’être for rejecting the mere cosmetic Article 1(2) by our State Government.

Sir Ivor Jennings of Cambridge University, a top constitutional law expert involved in the Reid Committee and FC of 1963, has acknowledged that the entrenched Malaysian Constitution would be different from the uncodified Westminster, except its Parliamentary System instead of a Presidential System. So AZ’s ‘The Queen’s Obligations’ has produced many outlandish misconceptions.

I.1 ZA has fallaciously asserted that if Article 1(2) is not amended, the Borneo States would have to share their O&G with the States of Malaya! That is not syllogistic!

“A government is only the creature of a constitution. The Constitution is not the act of its government, but of the people’s constituting a government”: Thomas Paine

Holistic Amendments Needed

I.2

The void and illegal Act 354 tried to relegate the Borneo States to the same status as the various States of Malaya only for the reduction of 12 nautical miles to 3 in the territorial waters of Borneo States for cheap operations of O&G. But unlike the States of Malaya, Sarawak and Sabah have special entrenched rights on land and local government under the entrenched Articles 2(b), 95D, 76(4) Item 2(a)(c) & (d) of the State List 9th schedule which prohibit the compulsory acquisition of O&G under Article 13. That is applicable only to the States of Malaya. USA, Canada and Australia, called the ‘3 Federations’ would not violate that for O&G targeted for national development as in Malaysia.

I.3 Even article 161E (3) states that “no amendments to the constitution which affects its operation as regards to the quota of members of the House of Representatives allocated to the State of Sabah or Sarawak…. shall be equating or assimilating to the position of the states of Malaya.”

The same provision is also ‘encrypted’ in Section 66(3) of the Malaysian ACT 63 (MACT), the ANNEX A to MA63 and the mother of the FC.

I.4 (i) By amending the present Article 1(2), a constitutional mirage, does not make Sarawak equal to the Federal Government nor States of Malaya nor Sabah which has a rebate of 40 per cent of all the incomes received by the Federal Government from Sabah as grants under Item 2(1) of Part IV 10th Schedule.

(ii) The Federal Government with the power and money makes the rules and decides when to delay grants for school repairs, or cut the special grant of RM5.8 million in 1968 with the typical hallow federal assurance of DPM that all the offshore oil proceeds would go to Sarawak or when to review the grants, except once in 1973, although it should be every five years under Article 112 D(3). The Review of MA 1963 was overdue since 1973.

Our present CM has rightly asked for a specific formula of sharing wealth and time frame. This would include:

(a) Imposing 5 per cent State Sales Tax (item 7) on Petroleum products up to about15 per cent plus the present 5 per centroyaltytotalling 20 per cent royalty in lieu of item 3 Part II 10th Schedule locked on 10 per cent ad valorem basis on O&G (cost at production site only) out of 80 – 85 per cent for the Federal/Petronas, still leaving behind around 72 per cent.

(b) The State has been shortchanged in billions, as at least 35 per cent O&G was not reported in SSM used for calculation of royalty over 44 years; and

(c) The balance of at least RM25 billion of additional royalty of 5 per cent for additional development fund, not grant for Sarawak, for aborting the declaratory judgement on PDA 1974 in the Privy Council, London, was assured by Tun Razak under Article VIII of MA 1963.

Discounts and staggered payments and offsets against federal loans would be expected. Proofs of debts due to shortchanges in (b) and (c) can forensically be established in the court by Court’s Discoveries of accounts, documents and calculations. But that should be avoided to prevent embarrassment and maintain cordial relationship under the spirit of MA 1963.

Proper constitutional procedure for amending the FC

I.5 Constitutionally, MACT 63, ‘Appendix A’ to MA63 must be amended first, namely under Sections 4(2)(b), and (c) for Singapore, before amending constitutionally Article 1(2) of the FC itself which is a superficial political cosmetic and polemic, by way of a Supplementary Agreement to the MA1963 to be executed by the 3 remaining parties, namely the States of Malaya, Sabah, and Sarawak, as MA63 is a constitutional agreement and an international multi-lateral treaty under customary international law and Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties.

 

I.6 In fact, this present void and illegal Article 1(2), amended under ACT354 on 27th August 1976 also has violated the Sarawak Constitution, as it was not constitutionally amended first by a Supplementary Agreement of MA63 under Section 4(2)(b) of MACT 63 on the original Article 1(2)(b) nor approved by DUN. The exit of the State of Singapore under Article 1(2)(c) was similarly void, as parliament is prohibited to skirt around with passing of Act 59/66. There is no provision in Article 2 (a) for the exit of Singapore except for admission of States into the Federation of Malaysia.

Why Article 160 on the ‘Federation’ needs amendments?

I.7 Section 5 of MACT 63 on the Interpretation of the Constitutional terms has no definition of section 160 on ‘The Federation’ as in the present FC, thereby confirming that it was fudged without Sarawak and Sabah agreeing under a Supplementary Agreement nor by DUN. Professor Farouki did not know that while ‘lecturing’ in front of lawyers and judges in Kuching. He has yet to fulfil his assured response to the writer’s over 20 articles given to him starting last year.

II.1. MA63 was deliberately omitted in Article 160 due to the void fudging. That is why Sarawak has specifically demanded that ‘The Federation’ of Malaysia ‘established under The Federation of Malaysia Agreement 1963’, but not under Federation of Malaya Agreement 1957.

 

II.2 ‘States of Sarawak, Sabah, and Singapore’ federated or united in an alliance or joined together with the existing States of Malaya to form Malaysia.

However, the 18-year old UN’s General Assembly with representatives of various nations were not familiar with the legal doctrine of State Succession. So the simplest explanation given by Tun Omar Ong Y.L. was erroneous historically, legally, and constitutionally, namely a new blended wine in the same old, relabelled bottle.

II.3. The Recital of Malaysia Bill 1963, (MACT 1963), ‘ANNEX A’ to MA63 has reinforced as follows:

“Where as on behalf of the Federation…agreed, that the British colonies of North Borneo.. Sarawak and State of Singapore shall be federated, (united in an alliance) with the existing States of the Federation of Malaya as the States of Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore, and that the name of the Federation should there after be Malaysia (established under the Malaysia Agreement 1963), to expressly, if not already impliedly, that would complete the clear meaning of the recital even without those words in the brackets. But it could never be under MA 1957.

II.4. The reference to the Federation of Malaya Agreement 1957 in Article 162(3), can be easily amended, namely: “as references to the Federation that is to say, the Federation of Malaysia under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 and to the extent applicable under the Federation of Malaya Agreement 1957…”.

Amending Article 1(2) guarantees no equal partnership

III.1. By amending the cosmetic Article 1(2) only does not make Sarawak and Sabah as equal partners. Sarawak was never treated as an equal partner, as assured by Tun Razak. The entrenched provisions of the FC were fudged and/or breached with void effects on Sarawak’s ‘oil and gas, petroleum products’, including mineral water, namely by blocking the impositions of SST by fudging Article 95B(3) and Item 8(j) of the Federal list, ADAT and Native Laws, ususcapio.

Despite DUN’s powers on legislations and various entrenched rights and Sarawak’s Supremacy of Constitution under Article 27. DUN’s resolutions must declare PDA 1974 void and illegal under the 7 PCs, 7 PMs and UNCLOS 1982, specifically under Articles 2(b), 72(1) and 162(2) for the illegal and unconstitutional alterations of the 4 Sarawak’s boundaries; namely the 350 nautical miles of continental shelf, 200 nautical miles of EEZ, 12 nautical miles of Territorial Waters, and Sarawak’s international boundaries at sea and matters on land and local government

III.2 PH Federal Government has set up the unconstitutional and void MPKKP in Sarawak, but not in Sabah, in serious violations of the 7 entrenched provisions of the FC (7 FES) and illegal under 4 Protective Municipal Ordinances (4 MPOS) , for touching on Sarawak’s land and local government with conflicting and devisive policies, directives and programmes against JKKK, the State’s body for local administration in the rural and around urban areas, amplified in the writer’s articles, namely ‘FC, illegal under State Ordinances against JKKK’ Dec 8th, 2019 and ‘Why MPPKP is void and illegal’ Dec 22nd, 2019, in thesundaypost.

Petronas’s directors liable for fraudulent concealment of about 35 per cent s/p or split/barrel in the annual A/CS filed with SSM

III.3. (i) Unfortunately Petronas, a public company, and its officers are liable for offences under the Companies Act and other laws for prosecutions on fraudulent misrepresentations or concealments in not filing the true accounts by excluding at least 35 per cent share profit/split barrels of O&G production yearly with a huge discrepancy of RM19.298 billion of net profit for example, in the 2017 annual accounts filed with SSM and publicly declared profits.Petronas has failed to clarify this.

Royalties are based on SSM. Sarawak has been short changed for 44 years. Professor Farouki said that the Federal Government should address that.

Even oil at US$45bbl, Federal/Petronas will still get US$25bbl revenues in the shallow O&G fields, with production costs of around US$8bbl.

(ii) The Petronas’s auditors and Auditor General have also to furnish under Court Discoveries for documents and books of accounts. Hope SST and correct royalties can be legally and politically settled to save that embarrassments:

(a) the shortchanges of RM billions of royalties; and

(b) The unofficial royalty of 5 per cent, half of the 10 per cent cash paid to the Federal before cost recovery, would have a balance now our RM25 billion without interest, accruing daily at 853,000 bbl/boe compared to about 300,000 bbl nationally in the 1970s.

So Parliament must protect Petronas’s Officers and amend PDA 1974. Petronas has publicly asked for the repealing of the OMO 1958, therefore all Sarawak’s parties must ensure that that will not happen in the DUN, else the PH Federal controlled government will definitely repeal and white wash PDA 1974 and all the void 7 FCs and illegal 7PMs.

(V) Why Sarawak should not be as one territory with Sabah?

(1) (i) Sarawak and Sabah are not one Territory, as alleged, quite evident in the original article 1(2)(b) and Section 4(2)(b) of MACT63: The Borneo States, namely Sabah and Sarawak; and the territories of each of the States mentioned in Clause 2 the territories ……….before Malaysia Day.”: Section 4(3) of MACT 63 and Article I(3) of the FC.

(ii) Sarawak should never follow Sabah’s political, constitutional and legal as one territory nor history. Why?

Firstly, Sabah has waived its immigration powers under Article V of MA1963; education, religion have been waived; and Labuan was ceded as a Federal Territory(FT), one of the 13, which were void because FTs are not States under Article 2(A) nor under 160 with the unconstitutional amendment of Section 4(2)(C) of MACT 63 nor approved by DUN.

Secondly only Sabah has been plagued by the unfortunate Sulu’s claim. A mere yearly payment of ‘PADJAK’of RM5,300, would be a time bomb from the descendants of Sulu since Dayang vs Dayang (1939), as several thousands of them have been ‘adopted’ and multiplied under ADAT as Sabahans.

 

VI. This critical letter is for ZA’s action at home first.

URGENT

“YB Datuk Liew Vui Keong 20th June 2019

Re: (1) Humbly request to look holistically the critical Articles I, 2(a), 2(b), 45(Senate), 46 (House of Representatives) and no ‘two-third rule’ beyond the present Article 1(2)….

(2) To rectify and ratify the unconstitutional 4 alterations of the Borneo States, namely the Territorial Sea, Continental Shelf, the Exclusive Economic Zone and International Boundaries at sea on Malaysia Day, as shown in map attached under Article 2(b) with its proviso; United Nation’s convention on the Law of the Sea 1982 (‘UNCLOS’) ratified by Malaysia WEF on 14th November 1996; The Seven entrenched Constitutional Provisions (‘7FCs’); and The Seven Protective Municipal Laws of Sarawak (‘7PMs’).

DUN should insert an exemption clause in the void, and illegal ‘5 Offending Acts’, namely Act 354, (and Act A354), PDA 1974, EEZ Act 1982, Fisheries Act 1985 and Territorial Sea Act 2012 under the five-tiers of entrenched provisions, namely ‘This Act shall not be applicable to the coastal of Borneo States unless approved by their respective Legislatures expressly first’, under Article 2(b).

(3) To ratify the unconstitutional article 1(4) on the lacunas and limbos on the 13 Federal Territories by amending Article 2(a) and 22 namely, ‘admit other states [or Federal Territories (FTs)]to the federation of Malaysia’ by amending first that Section 4 of MACT 1963, provided that the States of Malaya [and The Federal Territories now]should not exceed 65.4 per cent (No two-third rule) of the total seats in parliament, as stipulated in Section 9 of MACT 1963, which is still valid and unamended as the mother of the FC which is identical with the original Article 46 before the exit of Singapore.

That assurances of NO ‘two third rule’ under Article VIII of MA 1963 by PM Tengku Abdul Rahman and DPM, Tun Razak, were made in front of Premier Lee Kuan Yew (LKY) and the Borneo States’ leaders and stipulated in Section 9 of the MACT 63 which must be amended by a Supplementary Agreement first, before amending the present void Article 46 that was unconstitutionally amended in 1983 – 1984, including the 13 Federal Territories (FTs) in Article 1(4). All of them are void under Marbury vs Madison (1803).

The States of Malaya and [The Federal Territories] were forbidden and must never have more than 65.4 per cent, seats as agreed, stipulated in the still valid Section 9(1) of MACT 63 and original Article 46, namely only 104 parliamentary seats out of 159.

Briefly, the States of Malaya and FTS will still get 166 seats (65.35 per cent) out of 254 instead of 222 seats, increased by 32 seats, while Sarawak will get 49 seats and Sabah 39 seats under the ‘No two-third rule’, as the 15 Singapore seats must go to the Borneo States to always maintain that agreed ‘no two-third rule’.

Yes, share 20 per cent ‘mon san wan’ durians or pay the 20 per cent royalty or 15 per cent state sale more and fulfill all the grants, assurances and restore all the eroded rights, then Putrajaya/Petronas would share around 65 per cent – 72 per cent of O&G or durians as Borneo States’ national services, for our national interest, for our people, for our King and country…

Wish for shared wealth under Vision 2020

Let us hope that ZA and Datuk Liew will convince Professor Farouki and the Federal Government for the holistic amendments of the MACT63 by Supplementary Agreements first to comply with 7 PCs and 7 PMs then the unfudged FC apart from paying SST and two short changed royalties to fulfil the dreams of the Borneo States’ founders of Malaysia under our PM’s shining legacy pursuant to vision 2020 of shared prosperity, with a peaceful but equitable, legal and political settlement.

Malaysia is a nation with Rule of law, Rule by law and Rule with equity, adat and the unfudged FC, bound by the most important federal case of the US Supreme Court of Marbury vs Madison (1803) where PDA 1974 and the vesting instrument to Petronas are repugnant to the FC and void also without DUN’s approval, ‘and the courts, as well as other departments are bound by that instrument (FC)’ under the serious violations of the 7 FCs and 7 PMs.

Violations of rights must be rectified; violations of financial life blood of Sarawak must be settled equitably, if possible outside the court, under MA63, FC Sarawak laws and Constitution.

Sunday, 5 February 2023

砂崛起组织太以马来亚为中心

砂崛起组织来自源于马来亚,所以,都是以马来亚优先。以马来亚为中心的思维非常严重。这组织跟行动党应该是息息相关。

对砂拉越要走向独立自主倍感威胁,这是不争的事实。

暂时,我们不说MA63是否合法。

他们以砂选民人数只占马联邦总数六份之一,认为25%联邦议席分配已经是太多了。现今副首相..Fadillah要求沙砂必须要有35%联邦议席分配,是大大破坏公平[民主原则]。

他们必须知道沙砂并非马来亚领土,所以,以选民人数分配联邦议席是不成立的。再问一下,为啥不是以土地大小来决定呢?就是要以选民人数来打压沙沙。

说到分配沙砂25%联邦议席没有历史记录和法律根据。是的,沙砂本来就不应该挤进马来亚国会。

说25%的保障,其实到1970便结束了。这组织应该不知道沙砂其实对不公平公正的政策不满也是可以像新加坡脱离马来西亚联邦的。

我在质疑砂崛起这组织领导者的逻辑思维掉失到那里去了。

是啊,马来西亚联邦只有三个单位:马来亚,沙巴和砂拉越。是三国联邦平等伙伴关系。所以,马来西亚联邦必须从新谈判成立真正属于这三个国家的联邦议会才对。不然,一切面谈。

过去无知被马来亚政客胡搞一番,所以,沙砂权益就会如此被侵犯。

今天,大家终于搞清楚个别的身份地位了。 也是越来越接近分散的时候了。

你这组织还在砂拉越有什么花样要发骚摆弄呢。

Friday, 3 February 2023

Senate having no veto power

Senate to have veto power, would not work for Sabah and Sarawak.

Malaysia’s Parliament is a bicameral legislature constituted by the House of Representatives (Dewan Rakyat), the Senate (Dewan Negara) and the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong. Dewan Rakyat is called the “Lower House” and Dewan Negara is called the “Upper House” of parliament. As the ultimate legislative body in Malaysia, Parliament is responsible for passing, amending and repealing acts of law. For Bills are to become law, they have to be debated and scrutinize by both the Dewan Rakyat and Dewan Negara. But most often than not Bills passed to Dewan Negara seldom found serious debate.
 
The proposal to give veto power in the senate for Sabah and Sarawak, will not provide adequate protection. This is because senate could be controlled by the same party that controls the Dewan Rakyat – that is, the government of the day. If a Bill is passed in Dewan Rakyat, then the Bill would likely be passed by the senate too. This is because senators in the senate will have to ensure that that their party who is the government would rule the country through parliament without hitches. 

Policies that are passed by Dewan Rakyat are not required to be approved or be debated by the senators. Therefore, policies adverse to the interest of Sabah and Sarawak could not be controlled by MPs from Sabah and Sarawak if MPs from Malaya with their numbers at present voted for the policy to be implemented nationwide. To ensure policies and laws that would not be passed to the detriment of Sabah and Sarawak, it is advisable that all 222 seats be divided between Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak in equal seats. That is, the seats in Malaya has to be reduced and the seats for Sabah and Sarawak be increased with Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak to hold the same number of seats in parliament. We care not that a seat be represented by a few thousand voters only if seats are to be increased for Sabah and Sarawak. To protect the interest of Sabah and Sarawak, we need to make sure that no political parties from Malaya come to contest seats reserved for Sabah and Sarawak. 
If their presence could take away seats from Sabah and Sarawak then this would be against the interest of Sabah and Sarawak.
 
VOON LEE SHAN
President
4 February, 2023

Possibility of opposition alliance

PBK chief not ruling out possibility of opposition alliance being formed in Sarawak ahead of GE15

PBK chief not ruling out possibility of opposition alliance being formed in Sarawak ahead of GE15
BY PETER BOON ON JUNE 12, 2022, SUNDAY AT 8:01 AMSARAWAK

SIBU (June 12): Parti Bumi Kenyalang (PBK) president Voon Lee Shan does not rule out the possibility of a political alliance being formed in the future, comprising his party and others from the opposition.

Adding on, he sees PBK’s cooperation with the opposition parties in Sarawak in facing the 15th general election (GE15) as a good sign.

“This is because all the parties respect PBK’s stand – to fight for the ‘independence’ of Sarawak.

“With regard to the development of our discussions with Sarawak People’s Aspiration Party (Aspirasi), Parti Sarawak Bersatu (PSB), Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak Baru (PBDSB) and Parti Sedar Rakyat Sarawak (Sedar), they have gone well – each of them prioritises Sarawak’s ‘independence struggle’ where Sarawak’s rights under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) have been eroded,” he said during a press conference that was called after the PBK supreme council meeting here yesterday, where PBK life president Yu Chin Liik, its secretary-general Priscilla Lau and treasurer-general Jamie Tiew Yen Houng were also present.

PBK) president Voon Lee Shan does not rule out the possibility of a political alliance being formed in the future, comprising his party and others from the opposition.

He added: “We need a strong voice in Parliament, demanding for the rights of Sarawak that have been eroded.

“Therefore (for) this GE15, we intend to establish a coalition and cooperation.”

Still on GE15, Voon said the PBK had established eight party divisions in the state: Kuching, Samarahan, Betong, Simanggang, Sibu, Kapit, Bintulu and Miri; with the Serian, Sarikei, Mukah and Limbang units to be set up in the near future are.

“The establishment of this divisional-level committee is our strategy and preparation in facing GE15 as well.

“Therefore, we invite those interested in joining PBK to contact the divisional-level committees that have been established. PBK welcomes all who are interested.”

砂政府要收回民都鲁海港

炮佐大言不惭的说要跟马来西亚联邦政府要回民都鲁海港的管理权。这是他在30/1/2023 Samalaju海港私人有限公司10周年晚宴上发言。

他说砂政府要制定砂海港发展大蓝图让各海港各司其职,希望透过船务以衔接国际主要海港交通来推动砂经济。

民都鲁私人有限公司在1993年在民都鲁获得特殊经营权。

砂政府拥有39.7%股份;国油和马国际船运公司30.8%。他们之间组成70.5%的股份在马股交易所称为挂牌公司。

民都鲁海港就在新成立的中央港务局管理,营运和规划发展。

自1993年,20年了,税务收费从来没有检讨过。因此,该海港在砂境内跟其他海港收费有出入,造成分歧性收费。

国油为民都鲁海港最大利益单位,砂政府还是有意跟它持续合作管理,发展民都鲁海港业务。在大家共同合作下,把民都鲁海港发展成亚太海运枢纽目标迈进。

在1978年,联邦议会完全没有依据联邦宪法76(1)(c)条文下,咨询或获得砂议会同意下,就通过联邦海港法案(217法案)把民都鲁海港佔为己有成为联邦海港。

接着1981年,又通过民都鲁港务局法令管制民都鲁海港。

各种行为活像盗匪,所以916马来西亚日,也是砂拉越国殇日。

马来亚以马来西亚联邦名义掠夺,剥削,打压,抢劫和霸凌砂拉越。

当然,咱们砂拉越政客们的无能和贪婪造就了马来亚海盗霸权可以很顺畅在砂沙横行霸道,尽情的干下无法无天的恶行。

Tuesday, 24 January 2023

MA63值多少?

*肯雅兰全民党主席温利山**
2023年1月20日

关于马来西亚的问题是: 用于移交新加坡沙巴和砂拉越的 1963 年马来西亚协议(MA63)根据国际法是无效的协议 - 请参阅联合国国际法院(ICJ)于 2019 年 2 月 25 日所交付的查戈斯群岛案例之判決。

即使有效的 MA63 因根本违反协议而使之成为廢纸。

 为什么各方仍然认为MA63是一份神圣的协议而可繼續谈判?

MA63被英国人用來提交新加坡沙巴和砂拉越予馬來亚以扩大其領土和然后马来亚政府将之更名为马来西亚。英国这样做是为了规避联合国大会第 1514 号决议,该决议称所有殖民地都将去殖民化。

不可否认,马来亚利用MA63吞并并占领了新加坡, 沙巴和砂拉越。李光耀还蒙骗我们加入馬來亞参组马来西亚来完成英国的偉大计划。当时他未能确保新加坡脱离英国独立之后就因而说服馬來西亞成立。马来西亚成立后,他制造了混乱致使东姑連吃敗陣因此经过辛苦谈判之后,新加坡终于解脱出局了。

1963年联合国司法年鉴中有证据表明马来西亚是马来亚,马来亚是马来西亚。

The problem about Malaysia is that the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) that was use to hand over Singapore Sabah and Sarawak was an invalid agreement under international law - see Chagos Islands case by UN International Court of Justice (ICJ) delivered on 25 Feb 2019.

Even if valid MA63 became a toilet paper due to fundamental breaches of the agreement.

 Why all sides still think as if MA63 was a sacred agreement and that it is negotiatiable? 

MA63 was used by the British to hand Singapore Sabah and Sarawak to enlarge Malaya and MALAYA then changed its name to Malaysia. The British did this to circumvent UN General Assembly Resolution 1514 which said all colonies are to be decolonized 

It could not be denied that Malaya use MA63 to annexed and to occupy Singapore Sabah and Sarawak. LKY also cheated us to join MALAYA to form Malaysia to fulfill the British Grand Design plan. He persuaded Malaysia be formed after he failed to secure independence from the British for Singapore. After Malaysia was formed he created havoc and Tunku lost the game to him, kicked Singapore out

There is evidence about Malaysia is Malaya and Malaya is Malaysia in UN Juridical Year Book 1963.