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Saturday, 24 December 2022

沙砂权力SSRANZ

SSRANZ 关于砂拉越和沙巴权利的新闻声明(2022 年 12 月 22 日发布)

SSRANZ 呼吁 PM ANWAR IBRAHIM首相安华 审查 砂拉越沙巴 在马来西亚的地位,这类似于巴勒斯坦问题。

Sabah Sarawak Rights Australia New Zealand (SSRANZ) 是一家总部设在澳大利亚的国际非政府组织,于2022年12月20日它评论了首相安华在 2018 年 12 月 10 日的新闻发布会上关于马来西亚承诺并声援巴勒斯坦人民“为使巴勒斯坦摆脱犹太复国主义以色列的控制而进行的斗争”的声明。 

SSRANZ 总裁Robert Pei 罗伯特(貝瑞华)表示,巴勒斯坦问题已被各种政客用作政治民粹主义的陈词滥调。

但众所周知,新任首相长期以来真诚支持承认巴勒斯坦为自由独立国家,其坚定不移的反帝反殖民立场必须得到尊重。

他说:“最近一段时间,我们目睹了帕劳、东帝汶、黑山、塞尔维亚和南苏丹等许多历史遗留的殖民地成为独立国家。其他苏格兰、加泰罗尼亚、巴勒斯坦和布甘维利亚等国家也在寻求独立,它们都走自己的道路寻求自决权。所有这些例子都肯定了自由选择个人命运的普遍合法权利的原则。”

他说,在1948 年,英国政府通过犹太复国主义接管、占领和夺取巴勒斯坦领土共谋建立以色列以致其被剥夺了独立和背叛。这就导致了 66 年的巴勒斯坦还在抵抗。

以他在巴勒斯坦问题上的开明观点,首相也应该看到与英国政府在1963年非法将马来西亚联邦计划强加于沙巴(当时称为北婆罗洲)和砂拉越的相似之处,而不是给予他们独立。

SSRANZ 主席说:“这是关于沙巴和砂拉越不完全去殖民化和独立的主题,我想提示敬请你们注意,并呼吁你们的政府寻求与婆罗洲各州政府、婆罗洲民族主义者和感兴趣的政治人物进行对话致使各方争取和平顺利地移交权力和移交主权給回沙巴和砂拉越。”

SSRANZ 坚持认为,根据 MA63 成立马来西亚的过程存在法律缺陷和违法行为,违反了国际法,这使得该条约不具有法律约束力。马来西亚不是一个合法组成的联邦,因为 MA63 条约从一开始就因缺乏法定資格、同意和成立的合法对象而无效(试图否认
沙巴和砂拉越实现独立大设计)。

首相也可能知道,在 1946 年,也就是外国接管巴勒斯坦的两年前,英国政府以站不住脚的理由,吞并了独立的砂捞越和北婆罗洲特许公司管理的沙巴领土,作为英国皇家殖民地。当时,英国人郑重承诺,这两个殖民地最终都会获得独立。

然而,英国殖民主义者违背了其屢屢承诺,卻依据无效的1963年馬來西亞協议(MA63)将两个殖民地的主权和殖民控制权转移给了马来亚而成立马来西亚联邦,实施了所谓的去殖民化。马来西亚是在强制性紧急情况下所建立的,没有举行全民公决卻镇压 1962 年汶莱反马来西亚武装起义,也任意逮捕和非法拘留数千名“涉嫌”反对英国-马來亞之马来西亚计划的人士。

英国政府称这是通过“马来西亚之內独立”实现的“去殖民化”。这只是重新殖民的委婉说法,其并无真正改变其地位。任何一个国家在另一个国家内“独立”,在法律上都是荒谬的,也是不可能的。

这两个婆罗洲领土只是英国大设计和冷战地缘政治的牺牲品,他们通过将它们与马来亚和新加坡合并为一个联邦来重新绘制地图的战略。

根据前砂拉越总督安东尼·阿贝尔爵士的说法; 这是马来亚精英们共同的设计, 他们的目光投向了北婆罗洲和砂拉越的广阔领土及其石油。

他提请首相注意 MA63 作为一项国际条约之有效性的法律问题,该条约目前正在 婆罗洲高等法院受到质疑。

当英国和马来亚于 1963 年 7 月 9 日与沙巴砂拉越和新加坡签署 MA63 时,这 3 个领土仍然是英国皇家殖民地(直到 1963 年 9 月 16 日),而不是主权国家具有法定資格制定有约束力的国际条约。国际法院 (ICJ) 在 2019 年的查戈斯案中确认了这一国际法原则,该案得出的结论是,英国政府无法与其 1965 年完全控制的殖民地毛里求斯制定具有约束力的国际协议。(国际法院还重申自决权是现在国际法的一部分)。

事實上法定资格和同意之问题与沙巴和砂拉越都没有直接选举代表或通过公民投票民主授权的代表参于MA63谈判。这实际上是由他们各自的英国总督代表他们谈判的。在同意并起草条款后,婆罗洲人表面上参与其中。

有关马来西亚成立的解密殖民文件披露,英国政府已在法律角度上被告知这一缺陷,但出于“表象目的”,其继续向婆罗洲人民谎称他们在国际层面上是平等伙伴,有权签署 MA63 条约。当时的殖民地总检察长也分别代表沙巴和砂拉越签署了MA63。不符合与当时的英国和马来亚政府声称马来西亚是一个自愿协会或联盟,因為連公投通过准确衡量人民自由选择马来西亚或独立的意愿也从未举行过。因此缺乏征求人民的同意之 MA63 也使该条约无效。

如果马来西亚是一个自愿联盟,那么正如 1963 年 IGC 跨政府委員會主席 Lord Lansdowne 所说的其成员具有固有权利可以随时“脱离”联邦,而这项权利不需要写入宪法。他这样说是为了回应砂拉越内閣里之议员要求在宪法中加入'脫離'条款的要求。 在1965 年,当马来西亚政府同意新加坡退出联邦时,就行使了自由退出的必然权利。英国也在 2019 年举行了脱欧公投,并于 2020 年退出欧盟。

国际法并不禁止政治联盟的成员脱离或退出独立。

除了上述的法律问题,SSRANZ主席指出馬來西亞合法性仍然存在质疑因為马来亚与印尼和菲律宾于1963年7月31日签署的马尼拉协议,要求解决菲律宾对沙巴的索求尚未获得妥當处理。

这意味着英国能否在 1963 年有效地将沙巴的主权移交给马来亚尚不清楚。因此馬來西亞之成立在法律上沒有符合联合国註冊的国际協议。

MA63在事实上显然是无效的,在“实施成立”之前,首相有责任解决这个課题,因为它对马来西亚作为国际实体的合法性具有国际法律后果。

他说,即使可以证明 MA63 是一项有效的条约,它仍然会因联邦政府自 1965 年以来多次违反条约而根据国际法是会被终止的。

罗伯特贝也指出,多次违反MA63也带来了根本性的情况变化致使MA63无法完全实施,从而允许终止該条约(如果有效),其中包括:

 MA63 因英国政府未能在签署时立即登记条约而无效——《联合国宪章》第 102 条第 2 款规定“任何此类条约或国际协定的任何缔约方均未根据《联合国宪章》第 1 款的规定进行登记本条可在联合国任何机构援引该条约或协定”。MA63直到 1970 年才被注册 ,以导致其无效。这是一个缺陷,必须在当前“实施”MA63 尝试的背景下进行检查。

新加坡的退出 已破坏了基于 4 成员联盟的组成结构的 MA63 基本條件因而违反了基本结构原则。在此之前,马来西亚的概念是拥有包括汶莱在内的 5 个组成成员。汶莱苏丹在最后一刻拒绝签署 MA63,因为他认为联盟並不符合其人民的利益。由于这些变化,MA63 应该重新谈判,但它卻被掩盖了而沒有执行。

 MA63 直到 2020 年才被联邦宪法承认, 这就造成了自1963年起非法的馬來西亞与其所有立法之條约皆无效, 尽管迟到了 2021 年才试图批准和承认該協议。

 随后对 MA63 的非法修正案废除了基本条款或基础条款,无论是通过宪法修正案还是正常的立法变更。

 1970 年 新經濟政策种族宗教基于种族隔离国家的制度化破坏了 MA63 世俗多种族国家的概念。

 他們通过非法征用砂拉越与沙巴的财富和土地來發展馬來亞致使砂沙任然贫困。这就造成`發展'砂沙目標失敗。

最后,他说,沙巴和砂拉越人民已被诱导放弃独立将其国家纳入 1963 年更名为马来西亚的马来亚联邦,已故首相东姑阿都拉曼宣布的安全发展和繁荣的承诺是证明成立联邦的主要目标.如果这个目标失败了,人民有权寻求
其他选择包括完全独立並以其丰富的自然资源为基础管理和发展自己的国家。许多婆罗洲人看到了沙巴和砂拉越与馬來亞更紧密融合的议程
是作为新殖民主义者的野心。

不可剥夺的自决权得到国际法和联合国的承认,不容谈判。

声明结束 22/12/2019

SSRANZ PRESS STATEMENT ON SARAWAK & SABAH RIGHTS (ISSUED 22/12/2022)
SSRANZ CALLS ON PM ANWAR IBRAHIM TO REVIEW THE STATUS OF SABAH SARAWAK IN MALAYSIA WHICH IS AKIN TO THE PALESTINE ISSUE.

Sabah Sarawak Rights Australia New Zealand (SSRANZ) an international NGO based in Australia, commented on PM Anwar Ibrahim’s statement on Malaysia's commitment to and solidarity with the Palestinian people’s “struggle to free Palestine from the grip of Zionist Israel” made in a press conference on 20 Dec 2022.

SSRANZ President Robert Pei said the issue of Palestine has been used by various politicians as a handy political populist platitude. 

However, it is well known that the new Prime Minister has for a long time sincerely supported the recognition of Palestine as a free and independent state and therefore must be respected for his unwavering anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist position on
Palestine.

He said “In recent time, we have witnessed many remnant colonies of the colonial past becoming as independent states such as Palau, Timor - Leste, Montenegro, Serbia, and South Sudan. Other
countries are also seeking independence such as Scotland, Catalonia, Palestine and Bouganvillea, all of which have followed their own paths to seek self-determination. All these examples affirm the principle of the universal legal right to freely choose one’s destiny”.

He said in 1948 Palestine was denied independence and betrayed by the British government by its complicity in the creation of Israel by the Zionist takeover, occupation and seizures of Palestinian territory. This led to 66 years of Palestinian resistance.

With his enlightened view on the Palestinian issue, the Prime Minister should also see the similarity with the British government’s unlawful imposition of the Malaysia federation plan on Sabah (then called North Borneo) and Sarawak in 1963, instead of granting independence to them.

The SSRANZ President said, “It is in relation to the subject of the incomplete decolonisation and independence of Sabah and Sarawak which I wish to raise for your attention and call on your government to seek dialogue with respective Borneo state governments, Borneo nationalists and interested political parties for a peaceful and smooth devolution of power and transfer of sovereignty
back to Sabah and Sarawak.”

SSRANZ maintains that the process of Malaysia formation pursuant to MA63, was tainted with legal defects and illegalities in violation of international law which rendered the treaty not legally binding.

Malaysia was not a legally constituted federation as the MA63 treaty was null and void from the very beginning for lack of legal capacity, consent and legal object for the formation (contrived to deny Sabah and Sarawak of independence to implement the Grand Design).

The Prime Minister may also be aware that in 1946, two years before the foreign takeover of Palestine, the British Government had with flimsy justifications, annexed the independent state of Sarawak and the North Borneo Chartered Company administered territory of Sabah as British Crown colonies. At the time, the British solemnly promised that both colonies would eventually be given independence.

However, in breach of their repeated undertakings, the British colonialists imposed it so-called decolonisation by transferring the sovereignty and colonial control of the 2 colonies to the Malayan
federation pursuant to the void Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63). Malaysia was established under coercive emergency conditions without a referendum and suppression of the 1962 Brunei Anti-Malaysia armed uprising and arbitrary arrests and unlawful detentions of thousands of “suspected” opponents to the British-Malayan Malaysia plan.

The British government said this was “decolonisation” through “independence in Malaysia”. This was only a euphemism for re-colonisation without real change in status. It is legally absurd and impossible for any country to be “independent” within another country.

The 2 Borneo territories were just the sacrificial victims of the British Grand Design and cold war geopolitics in their strategic redrawing of the map by merging them with Malaya and Singapore in a federation. 

It was a design shared by Malayan elites who according to a former Sarawak governor Sir Anthony Abell, had their eyes on the vast territories of North Borneo and Sarawak and their oil.

He drew the Prime Minister’s attention to the legal issue of MA63 validity as an international treaty which is now being challenged in the Bomeo High Court.

When the UK and Malaya signed MA63 with Sabah Sarawak and Singapore on 9 July 1963 the 3 territories were still British crown colonies (up to 16 September 1963) and not sovereign states with
legal capacity to make binding international treaties. This international law principle was confirmed by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the 2019 Chagos case where it was concluded that the British government could not make a binding international agreement with its colony Mauritius which was under its full control in 1965. (The ICJ also reaffirmed that the right to self-determination
is now a part of international law).

The issue of legal capacity and consent is linked to the fact that neither Sabah nor Sarawak haddirectly elected representation or representatives democratically authorised by a referendum in the
MA63 negotiation. This was in reality negotiated on their behalf by their respective British Governors. The Borneo people were ostensibly involved after the terms were agreed to and drawn
up.

The declassified colonial documents on Malaysia formation disclosed that the British government was legally advised of this flaw but had proceeded to misrepresent to the Borneo people that they were equal partners on the international level and competent to sign the MA63 treaty, for “presentational purpose”. The then colonial Attorney-Generals also signed MA63 on behalf of Sabah and Sarawak respectively.

Contrary to the then British and Malayan governments’ claim that Malaysia was a voluntary association or union, a referendum was never held to seek the people’s consent by precisely gauging the people’s wishes given freely on choosing Malaysia or independence. This lack of consent to MA63 also invalidates the treaty.

If Malaysia was a voluntary union, then as Lord Lansdowne the 1963 IGC chairman stated, its members have the intrinsic right to “secede” from the federation any time and this right needs not to be included in the constitution. He had said this in response to Sarawak Council Negri members’ demand for an escape clause to be inserted in the constitution. This corollary right of free exit was exercised in 1965 when the Malaysian government agreed with Singapore to exit the federation. The British also held their BREXIT referendum in 2019 and the UK exited the European Union in 2020.
International law does not prohibit members of a political union from secession or exit for independence.

In addition to the above legal issues, the SSRANZ President pointed out that MA63 and Malaysia’s legitimacy remains in doubt as the Manila Accord signed on 31 July 1963 by Malaya with Indonesia and the Philippines requiring the resolution of the Philippines’ Sabah claim has never been resolved.

This means that it was unclear that the UK could effectively transfer sovereignty over Sabah to Malaya in 1963. Malaysia formation was therefore not lawfully concluded in compliance with the
international agreement, registered with the United Nations.

MA63 was clearly invalid on the facts, and before it could be “implemented”, the Prime Minister is duty-bound to settle this issue as it has international legal consequences on the legitimacy of Malaysia as an international entity.

He said even if it could be proven that MA63 was valid a treaty, it would nevertheless, have been terminated under international law by the federal government’s multiple treaty violations since 1965.

Robert Pei pointed out that the multiple violations of MA63 had also brought about fundamental change of circumstances making it impossible to fully implement MA63 and thus allowing termination of the treaty (if valid) and they include the following:

 MA63 voided by UK Government’s failure to promptly register the treaty on signing-Article 102(2) of the UN Charter states that “No party to any such treaty or international agreement which has not been registered in accordance with the provisions of paragraph 1 of this Article may invoke that treaty or agreement before any organ of the United Nations”. The failure to register MA63 till 1970, had the effect of rendering it void. This is a defect which must be examined in the context of the current attempts to “implement” MA63.

 Singapore Exit destroyed the MA63 fundamental term based on the component structure of a 4 member federation. It also violated the Basic Structure Doctrine. Prior to this the Malaysia concept was to have 5 component members including Brunei. The Brunei Sultan had refused to sign MA63 in the last minute as he considered the union not to be in his people’s interest. MA63 should have been renegotiated because of these changes but it was covered up and not done.

 MA63 not recognised by Federal Constitution till 2020 thus rendering Malaysia illegitimate & all legislation null & void from 1963 despite the 2021 belated attempt to ratify and recognise
the treaty.

 Subsequent illegal amendments to MA63 abrogating fundamental or foundational terms whether by constitutional amendment or normal legislative alterations.

 Institutionalisation of 1970 NEP race religion based apartheid state destroyed MA63 concept of secular multiracial state.

 Failure of Malaysia Objective to “develop” Sabah and Sarawak which was replaced by the development of Malaya at their expense by keeping impoverished through the illegal expropriation of their wealth and land.

In conclusion he said Sabahans and Sarawakians had been induced to give up independence for integration of their countries into the Malayan Federation renamed Malaysia in 1963, with promises of security development and prosperity which the late PM Tunku Abdul Rahman declared was the principal objective justifying the formation. If this objective has failed, the people are entitled to seek other alternatives including full independence to manage and develop their own states based on their abundant natural resources. Many Borneo people see the agenda for the closer integration of Sabah
and Sarawak with Malaya as a neo-colonial ambition.

The inalienable right to self-determination is recognised by international law and the United Nations and is not negotiable.

End of statement 22/12/2019

Friday, 23 December 2022

要求砂金融主权

刘仁祥:华团强烈要求归还砂金融主权
2022年12月22日

(诗巫22日讯)诗巫华团会长刘仁祥表示,正值下月初联邦政府要向东马放权之际,华团强烈要求归还砂金融主权,砂政府应列此项为基本主权要求,要求国家银行批准至少2家本土工农商业银行的执照。

他说,资金是各行各业的“血液”,“血液”旋环的好,企业就健康。企业有充足的资金,才能发展壮大,反之“血液”断断续续,企业就会“脑缺氧”而半摊涣。当然,资金不是企业生存发展的唯一因素,完整的行政管理,好的项目,充裕的资金,有魂力的市场团队是缺一不可的。

刘仁祥在今天发文告指出,砂拉越不缺人才管理和市场营销,也不缺好的项目,较大阻碍是缺乏充裕,快速流动的资金。

“2000年前,砂拉越有多间本土银行和金融公司在为砂的工商农业提供金融服务,提供了极大的便利,比如有福华银行、公明银行、华达银行、广利银行,Bank Utama、德大金融等。1999年开始,国家银行就开始执行银行合并政策,以西马的大银行吃掉东马的小银行的“森林法则”即开始运作,至2000年初,全部本土银行都被西马银行吃光(合并),至此金融殖民砂的政策已完成,砂,沙的金融自主权丧失殆尽。”

他说,刚开始,东马的经理还有一定款额的审批权,可以有权限地批准及发放资金给客户,这种权限逐年被吉隆坡总部收窄,到后来完全被取消,有的银行经理连已被总部批准,手续已齐全的发放小额资金的权利都没有,资金全部要从总部直接发出,从完成手续到发放资金给客户还要等7至15个工作日。

买卖车辆,机械或其他与产业买卖贷款相关的老商家应该都记得。1996年之前,卖一部车的合格者贷款申请,从申请开始7至21天内能收到贷款的资金;卖一个已完成的产业,贷款合格者能在1至3个月内资金到户,很大协助了各行业的资金运转。同样的资金,一年能转5至9次以上,也等于说若买卖顺畅,一百万的资金一年能做5至9百万以上的生意,视何行业而定。”

他指出,自东马全部失去金融主权之后,申请购车贷款至最后钱到户口,极少数银行最快是一个多月,多数要2至3个月;产业买卖贷款要4至6个月;营运贷款申请6个月以上或更久。100万资金最高只能年做200至400万的业务,靠贷款扩展生意更是“远水救不了近火”,遥遥无期,极大地阻碍了各行业发展,这是历史的进步抑或倒退?电脑化,数字化金融系统后还大幅度地落后于20多年前,这是什么现象?80后的企业家,商家是没有这种反差经历的,某银行据说专做农业贷款协助发展农业,但砂农民极少机率能获批,多数是不了了之。

“我们不反对严谨审查贷款者的资质,业者只要求较快的效率,也要以东马的特殊条件为考量。”

Monday, 19 December 2022

Who closed our local banks

Remember Who Closed Our Local Banks, Sarawak CM Tells Voters

FMT) – He says local banks were forced to enter into mergers with other peninsula banks, resulting in them being swallowed up during Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s time as prime minister.

Sarawak Chief Minister Abang Johari Openg took a swipe at Pakatan Harapan chairman Dr Mahathir Mohamad here yesterday over the issue of local banks in the state.

Although he did not mention Mahathir by name, Abang Johari said it was during his time that Sarawakians were robbed of their local banks through mergers which caused them to be swallowed up by banks in the peninsula.

“He allowed only five banks to operate in Malaysia. Bank Utama was swallowed, Hock Hua Bank was swallowed, Kwong Lee Bank was swallowed, all Sarawak banks were swallowed – in the end, we no longer had any banks,” he said at an official event.

He said he wished to make it clear that he was not badmouthing anyone, only reminding the people so that history would not repeat itself.

As prime minister, Mahathir had ordered the merger of banks in the late 1990s.

According to “A Note on the 1999-2002 Malaysian Banking Consolidation” written by Rubi Ahmad of Universiti Malaya, guided mergers are widely accepted by Malaysian and other Asian policymakers as a strategy to resolve banking problems.

In the case of Malaysia, the initiative came from the government and its regulatory agencies in the aftermath of the 1997 Asian financial crisis.

In Sarawak, several finance companies were also ordered to merge. Delta Finance, which was the pride of the Sibu Foochow community, was also swallowed up.

Wah Tat Bank and Chew Geok Ling Finance, founded by the Hokkien Chew family, also from Sibu, were also merged with other groups in the peninsula.

The commercial banks and finance companies, though small, were long-established institutions set up by the early Chinese banking pioneers in Sarawak.

Their children and grandchildren still find it difficult to forgive Mahathir for forcing the closure of their families’ legacies.

Saturday, 17 December 2022

终止委任

没有好处~还要参政

今天的主题~

*陋习* 

 *以下是安华屠刀下被砍的完整名单!* 
巫统、土团党、伊斯兰党的损失非常惨重,丢掉饭碗的党高层哀鸿遍野!而马华的巴生港务局主席张盛闻、槟城港务局主席陈德钦、马六甲港务局主席许金汉统统人头落地!还有蔡智勇和好几个马华地方领袖也纷纷遭殃,高薪职位不保! 
==================
第15届全国大选前的政治委任:

 ●英达丽水私人有限公司(IWK) 主席:阿末尊尼扎瓦维(砂土保党/砂盟)

●联邦土地发展局(Felda) 主席:依德利斯(巫统/国阵) 董事:苏龙嘉米尔(巫统/国阵)、纳兹里亚(巫统/国阵)

 ●联邦土地复兴和统一公司(FELCRA) 主席:阿末嘉兹兰(巫统/国阵) 董事:卡扎里(巫统/国阵)、拉希马(巫统/国阵)、查瓦威(巫统/国阵)、诺 哈希达(巫统/国阵)、再益沙德(巫统/国阵)、阿里夫(巫统/国阵)

●大马渔业发展局(LKIM) 主席:赛益阿布胡仙(土团党/国盟) 董事:阿威亚塔立(土团党/国盟)、诺立占(土团党/国盟)、阿旺卡丁(土团党 /国盟)、阿菲克(土团党/国盟)、拉马林甘(国大党/国阵) 

●阁姆布农业发展局(KADA) 主席:拿督卡马鲁丁(土团党/国盟) 董事:祖基菲里查卡利亚(土团党/国盟)、赛莫哈末(土团党/国盟)、沙里布丁 (伊党/国盟)、阿兹米(巫统/国阵)、东姑阿末巴迪(巫统/国阵) 

●吉打农业发展局(MADA) 主席:阿末塔米兹(伊党/国盟)、董事:阿兹曼纳斯鲁丁(土团党/国盟)、凯鲁安努亚(土团党/国盟)、道菲克耶 谷(土团党/国盟) 

●大马联邦农业销售局(FAMA) 主席:阿末依沙(土团党/国盟) 董事:嘉比林(土团党/国盟)、阿都拉萨卡密斯(土团党/国盟)、法依兹(土团 党/国盟)、卡扎勒(巫统/国阵)、米罗(砂土保党/砂盟 ) 

●大马黄梨工业局(MPIB) 主席:沙鲁丁(土团党/国盟) 

●农民组织局(LPP) 主席:仄阿都拉(伊党/国盟) 副主席:阿希夫(土团党/国盟) 董事:末巴里(土团党/国盟)、祖基菲里依布拉欣(土团党/国盟)、苏海米(土 团党/国盟) 

●大马橡胶局(MRB) 信托局主席:达罗雅(全民党/国阵) 总执行长:诺希兹万(全民党/国阵) 成员:梁卓经(民兴党)、达央鲁斯马(全民党/国阵)、诺阿兹万(全民党/国 阵)、舒克(土团党/国盟) 

●水供资产管理公司(PAAB) 主席:阿都拉迪夫(伊党/国盟) 董事:阿都哈密(巫统/国阵) 

●国能(TNB) 主席:哈山阿里芬(巫统/国阵) 董事:纳瓦威(巫统/国阵) 

●大马合作社机构(IKM) 主席:罗斯里(土团党/国盟) 董事:尤努斯(土团党/国盟)、阿都法达(巫统/国阵)、莫哈末再迪(巫统/国 阵)、纳沙鲁丁(巫统/国阵)、巴斯特安(巫统/国阵)、波比巴郎(巫统/国 阵)、阿敏(巫统/国阵)、祖里汉(巫统/国阵)、依马兰(巫统/国阵) 

●大马中小企业机构(SME Corp) 董事:哈比巴(巫统/国阵)、阿兹哈里(巫统/国阵)、依克万(巫统/国阵)、 莫哈末纳晋(巫统/国阵)、贝尔昂甘(砂土保党/砂盟) 

●大马合作社委员会(CCM) 董事:阿都苏克(巫统/国阵)、达祖丁阿都拉(巫统/国阵)、阿末依斯迈(巫统 /国阵)、祖里安(巫统/国阵) 

●大马棕油局(MPOB) 主席:朱加慕央(土团党/国盟) 董事:祖卡菲比里(土团党/国盟)、阿末扎克里(巫统/国阵)、纳因(全民党 /国阵) 

●人民信托局(MARA) 主席:阿兹莎(土团党/国盟) 董事:阿威仄阿末(巫统/国阵)、罗斯尼(巫统/国阵)、哈斯慕尼(巫统/国 阵)、赛阿兹米(巫统/国阵) 

●橡胶小园主发展局(RISDA) 主席:莫哈末沙林(巫统/国阵) 董事:扎鲁兹(巫统/国阵)、仄阿帕(巫统/国阵)、鲁比亚旺(砂土保党/砂盟) 

●大马永续能源发展机构(SEDA) 主席:鲁卡尼斯曼(砂土保党/砂盟) 董事:沙林沙里夫(巫统/国阵) 

●大马能源委员会(ST) 主席:阿兹安奥斯曼(巫统/国阵) 委员:凯里尔尼占(伊党/国盟)、赛克胡先(巫统/国阵)、安南斯曼(巫统/国 阵)、莫哈末再迪(巫统/国阵) 

●大马农业研究院(MARDI) 董事:赛拉兹兰(土团党/国盟)、耶谷(土团党/国盟)、阿兹哈(巫统/国 阵)、吉诺(砂土保党/砂盟) 

●国家人口及家庭发展局(LPPKN) 主席:苏海米(土团党/国盟) 副主席:玛丝杜拉(土团党/国盟) 董事:尤允哈尼(土团党/国盟)、祖莱纳(巫统/国阵)、沙耶阿米尔(巫统/国阵) 

●纳闽市议会(PL) 主席:巴希尔(巫统/国阵) 董事:赫林(砂土保党/砂盟) 

●大马森林研究院(FRIM) 董事:阿都马南(巫统/国阵) 

●国家水务委员会(SPAN) 主席:旺哈山(伊党/国盟) 董事:拉兹兰(巫统/国阵)、哈斯林(伊党/国盟)、依斯祖林(伊党/国盟) 

●大马国家电影发展局(FINAS) 主席:祖莱娜慕沙(巫统/国阵) 董事:罗再迪(巫统/国阵) 

●一个大马人民房屋计划(PR1MA)机构 主席:法都巴里(巫统/国阵) 董事:阿都马南(巫统/国阵) 

●土著发展商协会(PPHM) 董事:哈斯纳(巫统/国阵)、马乌立占(巫统/国阵) 

●大马对外贸易发展局(MATRADE) 董事:莫希占(巫统/国阵) 

●大马生产力机构(MPC) 董事:布塔曼(巫统/国阵) 

●国家房屋理事会(SPNB) 主席:莫哈末尼查(巫统/国阵) 董事:卡马鲁峇哈林(巫统/国阵)、奥马法乌扎(巫统/国阵)、阿都阿兹(巫统 /国阵) 

●国家稻米公司(BERNAS) 主席:罗哈尼阿都卡林(土著保守党/砂盟) 

●玛拉教育基金(YPM) 董事:阿查丽娜 阿都拉曼(土著团结党/国盟)、莫哈末海里(巫统/国阵)、尤 丝丽娜阿末(巫统/国阵) 

●国企(PERNAS) 主席:哈斯尼莫哈末(巫统/国阵) 董事:马乌里占布江(巫统/国阵)、莫哈末沙里米(巫统/国阵)、罗斯马迪依斯 迈(巫统/国阵)、莫哈末雅曼(土保党/砂盟) 

●创业集团商业基金(TEKUN) 主席:阿末法迪里(伊党/国盟) 董事:阿南登苏马孙德南(国大党/国阵) 

●土著主导教育基金会(PENERAJU) 主席:阿都拉迪夫(土团/国盟) 总执行长:莫哈末慕占米尔(土团/国盟) 

●大马知识产权局(MyIPO) 主席:拉查里依布拉欣(巫统/国阵) 董事:蔡智勇(马华/国阵) 

●柔州固体废料管理机构(SWCORP) 主席:里查曼莫达(巫统/国阵) 董事:达米瓦南(国大 党/国阵)、罗斯米查莫达(巫统/国阵)、莫哈末法依查 哈欣(巫统/国阵) 

●巴生港务局(PKA) 主席:张盛闻(马华/国阵) 董事: 黄祚信(马华/国阵)、卢贵添(马华/国阵)、罗斯里阿都哈密(巫统/国 阵)、慕鲁加维鲁(国大党/国阵)、莫哈末沙基里安(土团/国盟) 

●纳闽港务局(LPA) 主席:P卡马拉纳登(国大党/国阵) 副主席:陈匡维(马华/国阵) 董事:卢远东(马华/国阵)、卡立阿都干尼(巫统/国阵)、阿都拉奥马(土团 /国盟) 

●柔州港务局(JPA) 董事:莫哈末凯鲁法兰(土团/国盟) 

●马六甲港务局 主席:许金汉(马华/国阵) 董事:蔡裘伟(马华/国阵) 

●关丹港务局 主席:东姑阿兹兰(土团/国盟) 副主席:郭大雄(马华/国阵) 董事:黄子祥(马华/国阵) 

●槟城港务局 主席:陈德钦(马华/国阵) 董事:杨征家(马华/国阵)、罗斯沙旺迪(巫统/国阵) 

●民都鲁港务局 主席:罗伯特劳森(土保党/砂盟) 

●东南镇发展机构(KEJORA) 主席:翁哈菲兹(巫统/国阵) 董事:阿莎丽娜(巫统/国阵)、莎丽花阿兹莎(巫统/国阵) 

●吉兰丹南部发展机构(KESEDAR) 主席:聂莫哈末阿都(伊党/国盟) 副主席:峇哈里莫哈末诺(土团/国盟) 董事:莫哈末沙里布丁(伊党/国盟)、莫哈末阿班迪(伊党/国盟)、阿兹曼阿末 (伊党/国盟)、阿都阿兹尤索夫(巫统/国阵) 

●登州中部发展机构(KETENGAH) 主席:阿末赛益(巫统/国阵) 副主席:阿兹曼依布拉欣(伊党/国盟) 董事:莫哈末诺韩查(伊党/国盟)、罗兹马末(巫统/国阵)、再敦末阿敏(巫统 /国阵)、东姑再汉仄古阿都拉曼(巫统/国阵)、阿兹曼哈迪(土团/国盟) 

●吉打区域发展机构(KEDA) 主席:嘉米尔基尔(巫统/国阵) 副主席:沙哈林尤索夫(巫统/国阵) 董事:安努亚阿末(巫统/国阵)、峇哈杜奥马(巫统/国阵)、凯鲁安努亚(土团 /国盟) 

●槟州区域发展机构(PERDA) 主席:卡立梅达(土团/国盟) 副主席:赛胡申迈丁(巫统/国阵) 董事:莫哈末诺阿末(巫统/国阵)、沙菲依卡欣(巫统/国阵)、莫哈末尤斯尼 (伊党/国盟) 

●浮罗交怡发展机构(LADA) 主席:沙努西(伊党/ 国盟)、苏海米阿都拉(土团/国盟) 

●国家高等教育基金(PTPTN) 主席:阿毕里尤索(巫统/国阵) 董事:法都峇里(巫统/国阵)、胡斯那阿都拉曼(巫统/国阵)、莫哈末凯里(巫 统/国阵) 

●社会保险机构(PERKESO) 主席:苏巴汉(巫统/国阵) 董事:达娜丽祖米(国大党/国阵)

Wednesday, 14 December 2022

如何实践MA63?

砂拉越同胞....*

*美好的一天並向大家问候*🤝

*你知道吗...*
*我们的愿望实现了......?*
*至少现在....*

*怎么会这样?*🤔

*1.我们曾希望有一个强大的州政府来确保政治稳定,并有实力和权力来执行和遵守马来西亚协议(MA63)並維持与联邦政府的关系,而 GPS 在州选举中取得的压倒性胜利已经实现了这一点。 *

*2.我们曾希望建立一个多种族和多宗教的联邦政府,它将本着 MA63 的精神并根据 其与多种族和多宗教的 世俗樂園砂拉越保持同步联系。*

*3.我们曾希望,如果能夠的話, 完全遵守和实施 MA63,而不是谈判又谈判,这只是拖延和借口以避免或推迟如承诺的那样,在一次又一次选举中逾期遵守和实施。 *

*4.我们曾希望有一位勇于担当的首相,以确保砂拉越在 MA63 中所規定的权利和利益在精神和文字上得到落实,并得到适当遵守和实施。 *

*我们的新首相安华刚刚指示他的副首相法迪拉在一个月内解决与 MA63 相关的要求。”*
*当然,在一个月内能做的必须做,尽管会有一些问题需要立法和宪法批准。*

*5.如果不是婆罗洲州屬,这个强大的州政府和脆弱的联邦政府对砂拉越来说是最好的交易。 *
*联邦政府最需要沙巴和砂拉越来继续掌权,并应对 PN/Pas 日益增长的极端种族和宗教影响。*

*6.砂拉越人不能坐享其成而必须作为监督者参与进来,让我们的州领导层和政府记住;在首相指示 其副手完成工作的那一天起,MA63 倒计时已经开始。 *

*7. MA63 是 砂拉越进入马来西亚的“护照”,也是 SARAWAK 目前在马来西亚境内的“护照”,如果其无法实现合规和实施,其也将成为 SARAWAK 离开马来西亚的“护照”。 *

*8. MA63 与所有国际协议或条约一样,是相互同意并签署的。 *

*如果联邦政府甚至不能尊重、遵守或执行 MA63 的条款和条件,那么砂拉越作为平等的创始伙伴,留在这个国家的“联姻”中的目的和意义是什么?*

*珍惜、爱和成长....在一起是为了更美好的明天。*

*在这个联盟成立 59 年后,婚姻的和谐受到了与 我们砂拉越祖先沒有联系之Pas/PN 种族和宗教极端主义的严重威胁。*

他们想要更甜的甘蔗,而不是苦瓜。*

*砂拉越同胞们,我们在一起。*

*让我们的州领导层和政府为 MA63 的预期实施和合规负责。*

*如果不是他们,还有谁?*
*不在此刻, 更待何时 ?*

*时间在流逝....*

*MA63 倒计时已经开始。*

*根据首相的指示,它于 2022 年 12 月 6 日开始。*

*砂拉越优先!*
*UTAMAKAN 砂拉越!*

*JAGA SARAWAK BAIK-BAIK.*

*我们💓砂拉越!*

*Fellow SARAWAKIANS....*

*Good day and greetings to all*🤝

*Do you realise...*
*Our WISH has come true .....?*
*at least....for now....*

*How is that so ?*🤔

*1. We have wanted to have a strong STATE GOVERNMENT to ensure political stability and strength and power to pursue the implementation and compliance of the MALAYSIA AGREEMENT (MA63) with the Federal Government and the landslide victory secured by GPS in the State elections has achieved that.*

*2. We have wished for a multi-racial and multi-religious Federal Government which will be in sync with multi-racial and multi-religious SECULAR FAIRLAND SARAWAK, in the spirit of, and PURSUANT to MA63.*

*3. We have wished, if not demanded for full compliance and implementation of MA63, not just negotiations after negotiations which are just procrastination and excuses to avoid or delay the overdue compliance and implementation, as promised, elections after elections.*

*4. We have wished for a Prime Minister who will grab the bull by the horns to ensure that SARAWAK's rights and interests as enshrined in MA63 be acted on and duly complied with and implemented in the spirit and letter.*

*Our new Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has just instructed his Deputy Fadillah Yusuf to "settle unresolved demands related to MA63 within one month."*
*Of course, what could be done within that one month must be done, notwithstanding that there will be issues which require legislative and constitutional approval.*

*5. This strong State Government and fragile Federal Government is the best deal for Sarawak, if not the BORNEO STATES.*
*The Federal Government NEEDS Sabah and Sarawak more than anything else to remain in power as well as to counter the rising extreme race and religious influences of PN/Pas.*

*6. SARAWAKIANS must not sit idly and wait for things to happen. WE must be involved as watchdogs to impress on our STATE LEADERSHIP and GOVERNMENT that the COUNTDOWN to MA63 had already begun the day the PM instructed DPM Fadillah Yusuf to get things done.*

*7. MA63 was SARAWAK's 'passport' into Malaysia, is SARAWAK's 'passport' currently WITHIN Malaysia' and shall be SARAWAK'S 'passport' out of Malaysia if compliance and implementation cannot be achieved.*

*8. MA63, like all International Agreements or Treaties, was MUTUALLY AGREED UPON and SIGNED to be HONOURED.*

*If the Federal Government cannot even honour, comply with or implement the terms and conditions of MA63, what then is the purpose and meaning for SARAWAK, as an EQUAL FOUNDING PARTNER, to remain in this 'MARRIAGE' of COUNTRIES ?*

*To cherish, to love and to grow.... TOGETHER for a BETTER TOMORROW.*

*After 59 years in this union, the harmony of the marriage has come under serious threat of extremism in race and religion by Pas/PN which our SARAWAK's forefathers DID NOT sign up for.*

*They wanted a sweeter sugar cane, not a bitter gourd.*

*FELLOW SARAWAKIANS, WE ARE IN THIS TOGETHER.*

*Let us hold our STATE LEADERSHIP and GOVERNMENT to ACCOUNT for the EXPECTED IMPLEMENTATION and COMPLIANCE of MA63.*

*IF NOT THEM, WHO ELSE ?*
*IF NOT NOW, WHEN ?*

*The CLOCK is TICKING AWAY....*

*The MA63 COUNTDOWN HAS BEGUN.*

*It started on 6th December, 2022 with the PM's instructions.*

*SARAWAK FIRST!*
*UTAMAKAN SARAWAK !*

*JAGA SARAWAK BAIK-BAIK.*

*WE 💓 SARAWAK !*

*FELLOW SARAWAKIANS, LET US BE INVOLVED.*

*JANGAN TENGOK-TENGOK SAJA*

*THANK YOU*🤝

*砂拉越同胞们,让我们参与进来。*

*JANGAN TENGOK-TENGOK SAJA*

*谢谢*🤝

Thursday, 8 December 2022

福华银行

福州人的银行

福华银行是东马来西亚最大的一家商业银行。

它是1951年11月由砂捞越一批以陈立训为首的福州籍华人商家在诗巫集资创立的,当时资本额仅为68.15万马元,由陈立训出任首任董事会主席。

1952年3月始正式营业,主要经营接收存款和贷款业务,为诗巫及邻近地区的居民提供服务。

此后,资本不断扩大,到1981年8月,资本额达到了1063万马元。

从80年代后期开始,福华银行的盈利、资产,以及所接受的存款额等各项指标都在稳步增加。

为了谋求进一步发展,在继任董事会主席林鹏寿的主持下,1990年11月银行董事会作出了重大的战略决策,宣布以一股送八股的巨大比例,派送8504万股红股,从而将资本急剧扩大到9567万马元。

接着,福华银行又公开发售2433万股,每股面值1元,售价为3.25元,这次公开售股后,银行的资本上升至l.2亿马元。林鹏寿本人占有12.02%的股份。

福华银行一度拥有21家分行,其中9家设在砂捞越,12家在马来半岛。

1991年1月福华银行正式在吉隆坡挂牌上市。

1997年亚洲金融风暴之后,政府推动银行合并计划,福华银行终於在2000年并入大众银行(Public Bank),这家砂捞越最大的华资银行就这样消失了。

资讯来网络

Saturday, 3 December 2022

2018 年联邦选举

大选结果数据:对国阵、希盟和伊党有何意义?
May 10, 2018 

大选昨天经历投票程序后,如果没有意外,一个由至少5个政党组成的新政府,即将入主布城。

这个执政党联盟的主要成员,将包括公正党、行动党、土著团结党和诚信党组成的希盟,以及以沙巴为基地的民兴党。

第14届大选的成绩已尘埃落定,公正党总囊括了47席、行动党42席、团结党13席、诚信党11席及民兴党8席。

他们总共掌控了121个国会议席,而足以组成稳定的联邦政府。假设把公正党力挺的独立国会议员巴拉卡兰(P Prabakaran)计算在内,执政党的议席将高达122席。

此外,另有3名中选者不隶属任何政党联盟,其中一人是以独立候选人身份,攻打如楼(Julau)国席的前砂州助理部长孙伟瑄。他之前跟希盟达成非正式协议,让路给他单挑砂拉越人民党(PRS)。

另外一名独立候选人祖卡(Jugah Ak Muyang)则爆冷击败公正党和国阵,中选为魯勃安都(Lubok Antu)国会议员。

第3位为沙巴立新党(Star)主席杰菲里吉丁岸(Jeffery Kitingan)。由于出现悬峙议会的局面,该党或跟希盟和民兴党组成沙巴联合政府。

如果,这3名国会议员决定在联邦跟希盟联手,执政党联盟将在国会占据125个议席。

对希盟有何意义?

第一,人民公正党已崛起成为希盟最大的政党,这有助于抵消国阵重复指控,即行动党主导希盟的说法。

公正党的国席获得大幅度增加,很大程度仰赖于该党攻打的混合选区。

马来选民的起义浪潮,加上强大的华裔支持率,成功让公正党比上一届大选多赢了17个国会议席。

虽然,团结党和诚信党也骑在这股浪潮之上,唯基于他们的议席多数马来选区,而缺乏反政府情绪高涨的华裔选民,他们不足于抵消伊斯兰党所带来的冲击。

对国阵又有何意义?

国阵在第14届大选总共赢得79个国会议席。

在半岛,除了攻下47席的巫统,国阵几乎已不复存在。

马华从7席锐减至1席,该党署理总会长魏家祥已成为硕果仅存的国会议员。与此同时,国大党从4席减半至2席,民政党则彻底全军覆没。

国大党的两个国席,分别是副主席沙拉瓦南(M Saravanan)的打巴和青年团长西华拉兹(C Sivarraajh)的金马仑国席。

以上3党的党魁都落马,即马华总会长廖中莱、国大党主席苏巴马廉(S Subramaniam)和民政党主席马袖强。

他们的败选,将再度为有关国阵成员党造成不确定的局面,甚至促成内部的权力转移至在大选中“幸存”的领袖手中。

在砂拉越,国阵是由土保党(PBB)领导,巫统原本就不存在。

砂拉越本届的国席成绩,分别是土保党13席、人联党(SUPP)1席、砂拉越人民党(PRS)3席及民主进步党(PDP)2席。

在沙巴,巫统仍赢获7席位,但其它友党的议席被严重削减,民统(Upko)、民团(PBRS)和沙巴团结党(PBS)都只各赢得一个国席。

随着国阵几乎输剩巫统,东马的成员党会否留在国阵仍然成疑。因此,不排除东马的政治联盟将重新洗牌、重组和合并。

对伊党又有什么意义?

选举之前,希盟号称将掀起“马来海啸”,伊党则提出“绿色海啸”的说法相抗衡。

双方的说法都正确,因为希盟横扫了西海岸,伊党则席卷了半岛的东海岸。

国阵的选票大量流失给希盟和伊党,至于幅度则在不同的州属有别。

伊斯兰党仍然是一股足以左右大局的力量,该党总共攻下18个国席,并成为霹雳悬峙议会的造王者。

选前,坊间一度盛传伊党将与巫统,组成马来穆斯林的联合政府。但如今,就算两党联手,他们也只掌控了区区的97席,而无法组织联邦政府。

就算已经掌权的土著团结党决定过档,跟巫统和伊党联手,这3党也只有110个国席,而距离多数议席仍欠2席。

再说,东马政党无法认同,单一种族和宗教的联盟,最终或被逼出走国阵。

各党的得票率

根据初步的数据,由于爆发多角战,没有任何一个政党成功获得超过半数的总得票。

初步的统计显示,希盟赢获约45%的票数,国阵32%、伊党16%。

至于其它的选票,则是投给小党或独立人士。