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Monday, 8 April 2019

处理毁约去法庭 9/4/2019



Blog, Tweet, Facebook and Wechat  9/4/2019   处理毁约去法庭
       如果,地主K,跟建筑商 A签合约,在K的一英亩的地建10 层楼房,合约写好是K 4A6分帐。可是建筑商却偏一方。楼房不但没有按照规格建,而且,还拼吞了70%的土地。请问K地主是跟A地主有完没完的理论,还是在法庭见呢?
            同理,MA63,从开始就违反联合国去殖民化1514号议决,没有透过公投得到砂民的授权和认可就由几个官方代表就随意签署MA63把沙巴和砂拉越加入马来亚。成立了马来西亚,从此,沙砂两国就掉入马来亚霸权的圈套。任由他们掠夺,剥削,打压,抢夺和霸凌。
            是时候,脱马独立了吧。去国际法庭处理吧!

9/4/2019 独立吧,砂拉越!



Blog, Tweet, Facebook and Wechat  9/4/2019  独立吧,砂拉越!
            砂政府不要再做傻政府。不要再跟马来亚霸权纠缠不清。砂国政府真的有100%的权力去解除在砂国的联邦部门。从税收开始。所有在砂国征收的税金统统由砂国政府管理。 石油和天然气的收入100% 全归于砂拉越政府。砂国政府跟石油发展公司如何分帐,绝对不会是5%95% 我相信世界有很多国家都要争着跟我们做生意。怎样的交易肯定全由砂国政府决定。我们甚至可以完全自己来。 别担心我们砂国做不来。
            那些马来亚人在砂国各政府部门是时候准备离开。 我们砂国的行政方面,我们有足够的人才,绰绰有余的。 教育领域的人才,也是超够的。所以,请马来亚来的教师们也要准备收拾行李走吧。

BlogTweetFacebookWechat Sarawak, a nation to be recognised 9/4/2019


BlogTweetFacebookWechat Sarawak, a nation to be recognised  9/4/2019
        Sarawak was founded in 1841 by Sir James Brooke.  In 1853, Sarawak r was recognised by the United States of America as a country.  Ten years later, Britain also accepted it as a country.  In the world map 1880s, you can find the country of Sarawak when the Peninsular Malay federation was still not in existence.
        You may refer to Kingdom of Sarawak (1841-1941) which is an interesting book that all Sarawakians, yound and old, should read for fun and knowledge of Sarawak, our homeland.
            From 1942 to 1963, Sarawak became the colony of the British government.  In 1960, United Nations declared “Decolonisation Resolution No. 1514 or 1541” to grant people all over the world the power of “self-determination”.  Hence, on 22nd July, 1963, the British government gave the power back to Sarawakians.
        Without the proper consent of Sarawakians through referendum procedures, Sarawakians were roped into the Malaysia federation by hook and by crook despite all the protests.  We all bear witness how our rights as a nation being eroded and robbed since then.
        Now Sarawakians have discovered the truth that MA63 is just a fraud between the British officials and the Malayan autocrat to cheat Sarawakians and Sabahans.  We have also realised that the Malayan government had no right to sign with the officials from Sabah and Sarawak when these two territories were still the colonies of the British government.  The officials concerned were not legally qualified to sign MA63
        That is why Mauritius government won the fight over the Chagos Archipelago from the British government.
        In other words, you just cannot sign an international treaty with a colony which is like a child.  Were Sarawak and Sabah which were still under British government not children?  It is understood that only an independent country can sign an international treaty with another independent country.  Hence, MA63 is considered void and null from the very beginning.
        Actually, the Sarawak GPS government can declare Sarawak Indpendence straight away without any care.  After that, they submit  Sarawak as a nation to the United Nations for approval.  As we know, the status of Sarawak at United Nations website is CHANGE meaning that the status of Sarawak can be changed from a federated territory into a nation.  You check the United Nations website: www.un.org for confirmation.
        It is idiotic of the GPS government to haggle on with the Malaysia federation for nothing eventually but more on-going plundering, exploitation, oppression, suppression, robbing and bullying.
        Through Parti Bumi Kelayang to gain Sarawak Independence, so we go.                                                                          (by Ling Moi Hung)

2019-04-08 11:32:53 

温利山:建国契约 根本是骗局
砂拉越


(古晋7日讯)肯雅兰党顾问温利山说,柯波委员会报告(Cobbold Commission Report)被认为具有误导和欺诈嫌疑,而现任国会议员、沙巴及砂拉越政府不能说他们从来不知道,而且还坚持通过修改联邦宪法来恢复沙巴和砂拉越在联邦宪法中失去的平等地位。
他指,1963年建国契约就含有欺骗成分,因为它没有指名沙巴和砂拉越是马来亚联邦的平等伙伴,它的另一个欺骗行为是,1963年7月9日签署建国契约时,沙巴和砂拉越仍是英国殖民地,这违反了既定的国际法。
        前任峇都林当区州议员温利山今日发文告说,根据国际法,只有主权国家才具有签署条约的法律地位,1963年建国契约的签署也违反1960年联合国非殖民化宣言(United Nations Decolonization Declaration of 1960)第7条文,法律界也认为,新加坡退出马来西亚联邦后,1963年建国契约应被视为无效。
“沙巴和砂拉越议员和州政府若坚持或参与联邦宪法修正案,就如同背叛沙巴和砂拉越人民的信任。”
        温利山认为,沙巴和砂拉越当前应该立即采取补救方案,而不是要求修改联邦宪法,反之应通知或向联合国提出意见,指出马来西亚的成立被视为无效。同时,沙巴和砂拉越政府应在联合国监督下,根据联合国决议第1514条采取步骤,着手非殖民化的进程。
“对于非殖民化的进程,许多法律界人士认为,英国仍有政治义务,以根据国际法和联合国第1514和1541条决议,完成沙巴和砂拉越的非殖民化。”

非殖民化- 去殖民化

My comments:
真的是这世纪的大揭发。这很快会变成世界大新闻。那时,大家有戏看了。马来亚用咱们沙砂两国石油,天然气和各种税收来打造马来亚的辉煌和繁荣和让不少贪官致富, 成为亿万富翁。以马来西亚的名义掠夺,剥削,打压,抢夺和霸凌沙砂两国。是谁造成今天沙砂的贫穷? 这些债务,我们迟早要追讨回来的。时代已经不一样了。这MA63的骗局,也应该有他了断的时辰。时间到了吧!

余清禄:吁全砂沙国会议员站稳立场 反对签署修宪委会提呈一读条文

By
(美里7日讯) 砂沙人民期盼的是明确无误的字句注明马来西亚联邦是由三个平等伙伴组成, 马来亚联合邦 ( 柔佛州,吉打州,吉兰丹州,马六甲州,森美兰州,彭亨州,霹雳州,玻璃市州,槟城州,雪兰莪州,登加楼州)、 砂拉越和沙巴。
        根据4月5日报章讯息,希望联盟砂联委会负责人说,“如今希盟政府於国会所提呈的法案,就是还原砂拉越在建国时的宪法地位”,所以必须支持希盟中央政府所提的修宪内容。
砂拉越人民要问的是,你要砂拉越人民支持希盟中央政府的修宪,砂拉越人民首先要问:修宪还原的是什么?是还原我们签署马来西亚协议时,砂拉越、沙巴、新加坡(1965年退出)、英国(见证国)、马来亚联合邦,三个领土的平等国家地位?还是再次明确肯定砂拉越只是被马来亚联合邦作为其领土扩充了的一个部分,再次肯定成了马来亚的第十三州?
        肯雅兰全民党主席余清禄发文告如此指出 。他指出,回顾当年科博特调查团来砂拉越时,在当时70万人口的砂拉越拥有超过十万党员的砂拉越最大的政党人民联合党呈给调查团及当时的各业职工联合会呈给调查团的备忘录里面的字句就清楚写明,我们砂拉越人民反对成为马来亚的第十五个州(当时还包含新加坡和汶莱)。
        历史事实是,在当年东姑提出马来西亚计划后,我们砂拉越、北婆(沙巴)、汶莱、新加坡和马来亚联合邦的五邦政党即在新加坡开会讨论,并发表声明强调,要求英国必须先安排给予砂沙汶星先行独立,然后才进一步商量如何组成一个联邦国家。
       因为这也符合1965年英国殖民部大臣的准备安排给予砂拉越、汶莱和北婆罗洲(后来换名为沙巴)先行独立然后才进一步安排这几个英国殖民地的新国家再组成一个大的联合邦,以便形成一个在金融经济贸易各方面合作的共同体的计划。当年的艾贝尔总督支持砂拉越的独立,所以人联党在1959年的申请注册很快就被批准。
        他称,当年东姑应英国的指示进行马来西亚计划时,东姑反对上述安排给砂、北婆、汶先独立的计划,而是要英国把砂北婆汶当做礼物送给他,东姑要把砂汶北婆,成为马来亚领土的扩充,英国也答应把砂、汶、北婆做为礼物送给东姑。
        但,这样的话不能公开讲,不能写在合约里。所以在公开上还是讲马来亚联合邦是一个方面,和砂、沙、新是签署马来西亚协议的平等伙伴关系。
        所以,在马来西亚宪法里面没有明确的文字说明这四邦(后来到现在的三邦)是如何平等的。就因为这个模糊灰色空间,就为马来亚在半个世纪来肆无忌惮陆续剥夺砂沙主权开了方便之门。
        他指出,在翻看1963年马来西亚协议内容有许多不公平的内容,在客观上,当年的砂拉越和北婆罗洲并没有独立,还只是殖民地;同时林鹏寿等人也没有砂拉越人民委托的身份,他们没有权力代表砂拉越签署协议;再来,联合国代表团的调查人数也远不符合国际规则表明的要求。
        因此,严格地说,马来西亚协议是一份不合法的协议,马来西亚是一个非法存在体。就是连这样一份不公平,不合法的国际协议里摆明的砂、沙、马来亚联合邦,三邦的平等地位也在马来西亚宪法内被公然剥夺成了十三州之一,而这次2019年修宪则在文字上再进一步更明确了十三州之一的身份。我们砂拉越人民有理由担心2019年的修宪是一个陷阱!
        现在希盟中央政府要砂沙国会议员签的,只是把文字调整得更明确:
【 联邦州属包挂 :第一 :柔佛州,吉打州,吉兰丹州,马六甲州,森美兰州,彭亨州,霹雳州,玻璃市州,槟城州,雪兰儿州,登加楼州,第二: 砂拉越州,沙巴州 】
        上面已经够清楚了,所有小学生都会计算:联邦州属包挂 :第一 :柔佛州,吉打州,吉兰丹州,马六甲州,森美兰州,彭亨州,霹雳州,玻璃市州,槟城州,雪兰儿州,登加楼州 共11 州,加,第二: 砂拉越州,沙巴州共2个州属11 + 2 = 13个州属,还是和过去一样没有不同。
        请问我们砂沙人民要的是砂、沙、马来亚联合邦三方的平等地位,在上述字句之中,在哪里有表现出来?如此劳师动众的修宪特委会大阵仗就这样要砂沙国会议员举手通过?以造成43年后的国会再度肯定砂沙还是13州之一?
        他相信,砂沙人民呐喊、期盼的是明确无误的字句注明如下:根据马来西亚协议各签署国的名字,马来西亚是由下面三个平等伙伴国家组成:1  马来亚联合邦 ( 柔佛州,吉打州,吉兰丹州,马六甲州,森美兰州,彭亨州,霹雳州,玻璃市州,槟城州,雪兰儿州,登加楼州),2 砂拉越,3 沙巴,沙巴和砂拉越到现在还保持一个国家特征的部长内阁制,就足以证明砂沙原本就是一个邦国。
        砂沙人民强烈吁请砂沙所有国会议员坚决站在砂沙人民和子孙后代利益立场上,坚持反对签署修宪委员会所提呈“一读”的条文,而坚决提出能够真正反映砂、沙、马来亚联合邦,三邦平等地位的修改条文。而不要跌入陷阱,去为更增强砂沙仅仅是十三州之一的马来西亚宪法条文进行背书。

My comments:
     完璧归赵的事是绝对不可能的事。MA63 说穿了是一场场骗局。别在那儿兜兜转了。 一公投脱马独立吧。GPS政府愿意去做吗?二。砂政府宣布独立。GPS政府,敢吗? 三。砂民只好靠SAPA民运组织把MA63 带到国际法庭去处理。我们现在有三条路脱马独立。

2019-04-07 16:00:53 
叶海量:恢复婆大州地位.修改推翻不利条文    砂拉越
(诗巫讯)叶海量律师指出,希盟政府拟议的《2019年联邦宪法(修正)法案》与1976年原有联邦宪法的含意并无区别。
他说,现有的联邦宪法第1(2)条文阐明,大马的联邦州属有13州。拟议中的联邦宪法第1(2)条文被一分为二,即(a)柔佛、吉打、吉兰丹、马六甲、森美兰、彭亨、霹雳、槟城、玻璃市、雪兰莪、登嘉楼;(b)沙巴和砂拉越。
叶海量称,这两者间看似有区别,然而,1(2)中的字眼Negeri-Negeri与terdiri daripada已经阐明一切,沙巴与砂拉越仍然是州。换言之,这次的修宪无关复邦事宜。
须符建国契约精髓
也是都东区前州议员的叶海量说,拟议修宪中的述解(Explanatory Notes),也证明修宪的目的是要符合1963年建国契约(MA63)的精髓。
他说,MA63第2部分联邦州属中4(2)及(3)的地位却是(2)联邦的州属应该是(a)马来亚州属(Malaya States),即柔佛、吉打、吉兰丹、马六甲、森美兰、彭亨、槟城、霹雳、玻璃市、雪兰莪与登嘉楼;及(b)婆罗洲州属(Borneo States),即砂拉越和沙巴。
叶海量补充,(3)所有在联邦州属4(2)条文中所提到的每个州属的区域,即是马来西亚日前所涵盖的区域范围。
他说,《2019年联邦宪法(修正)法案》明显有别于MA63,与原有的联邦宪法第1(2)条文,在法律层面上仍然一样,无法保障砂拉越的权益。
修宪复邦不成立
“砂拉越要如何才有主权的保障呢?恢复到MA63的原文,即必须遵照MA63的精髓修改第9附加条文联邦权限造表(Federal List)、州权限造表(State List)或共同权限造表(concurrent list),把主权归回砂拉越。”
叶海量说,也不能单修改宪法中1(2)条文,1(3)条文也必须做出修正;1(4)条文中纳闽作为联邦自辖区也应修改,让纳闽回归沙巴。现有联邦宪法1(3)条文与1(4)条文须同时废除,才能符合MA63的宗旨。
他说,也要修改联邦宪法第160条文的诠释,“联邦的州属”应涵盖2个大州,即“马来亚大州”与“婆罗洲大州”。因此,以目前的修宪来说,“复邦”是不成立。
提数点保障砂权益
至于如何保障砂拉越权益,叶海量提到数点,即1974石油开采法令与建国契约第46条文4(b)节和联邦宪法第112C条文第4(b)有所抵触,因此必须修改。在建国契约下,砂拉越有权力征收10%的石油开采税,但是现在只有5%,与砂拉越在MA63里的权益不符。
“此外,联邦宪法中有关语文使用的161条文破坏MA63的语文使用,大马契约中的61条文中英语被列为沙巴和砂拉越官方语言的条文必须保留。”
叶海量说,联邦宪法第161D条文中,宗教信仰自由于1976年废除。这个条文是用来额外保障婆罗洲大州的宗教信仰自由,必须修改恢复。
砂大陆棚被联邦支配
叶海量说,1966年,大陆棚法令被制定时,涵盖的范围只限于马来半岛沿海地带,然而,这条法令于1969年被延伸至砂拉越与沙巴。大陆棚法令于2009年又再次在国会中通过修改,添增额外2A、2B及4A条文,以及修改第3、4、6条文,再次巩固联邦政府对砂拉越大陆棚的支配权。砂拉越要取回原本的大陆棚,这条法令必须要修改。
他也提及2012年领海法令。紧急法令于2011年11月24日被正式解除,为了保护本身的利益,联邦政府于2012年6月22日通过领海法令,将砂拉越的领海范围由12公里缩减至3公里,目的是砂拉越的沿海资源被剥削,也必须修改或废除。
叶海量强调,要修宪恢复婆罗洲大州(State of Borneo)的地位,除了修改联邦宪法中不利的条文,尚需推翻不符合契约精神的法令,包括1966年大陆棚法令、1974年石油开采法令、2009年大陆棚法令(修改)及2012年领海法令,不然,“复邦”只会成为一个空洞,没有任何法律保障的名词或沦为政治术语而已。

2019-04-06 20:45:35  82 张健仁:砂首长文告可证明·“希盟修宪案没错误”
(古晋6日讯)国内贸易及消费事务部副部长张健仁表示,砂首长拿督巴丁宜阿邦佐哈里今日的文告证明,希盟政府的修宪法案,在词句或字眼上是正确的。
也是砂希盟兼砂行动党主席的张健仁发文告指出,阿邦佐哈里今日在4页的文告中,完全没有提及希盟的修宪法案在词句或字眼上有任何错误,仅表示须同时修改联邦宪法160条文。
指砂盟注重捞政治资本
因此,他认为阿邦佐哈里的文告可证明两点,即希盟针对联邦宪法1(2)条文的修宪法案没有错误,只是没有一并修改160条文,以及在恢复砂拉越地位课题上,砂政党联盟更注重于捞取政治资本,多于推动落实这个议程。
张健仁表示,联邦宪法160条文目前仍然是1963年建国契约的原版,若砂盟认为迫切需要修改,那为何过去在国阵的44年期间却没提出?
他指阿邦佐哈里根本是在找借口反对希盟的修宪法案,后者今日的文告正暴露出其真正意图,即不愿看到希盟通过修宪,让砂拉越恢复地位及权力。

文章来源 : 印尼-星洲日报(Indo)文字 2019-04-06 
 Mycomments:
叶海量对修宪的解读和联邦部长张健仁的对修宪的解读相差10万8千里。一个以砂国权益为优先考量;一个以马来亚霸权权益为先,所以有[天差地别]的距离。还好,我们砂国现在人才济济。80%砂民都有一定程度的教育水平,对政治有一定的认知和知识。1976年的修宪陷阱在2019年再次修宪,很难很难很难得逞。因为人民这一关 联合国赋予给人民去殖民化1514/1541号议决的[自决权]是蹿不过去。再说,咱们砂民已经知道MA63还是一场骗局。可以说是无效,这所谓的[马来西亚]联邦国,原来纯粹是陷阱圈套,一场骗局。还有,我们砂政府还可以二读通过[公投法]。

修宪只不过是马来亚霸权和沙砂两国傀儡政府玩的把戏。醒目的砂民已经看得一清二楚。

Monday, 1 April 2019

Sarawak, Sabah have solid case to seek self-determination, says SSRANZ editor



Sarawak, Sabah have solid case to seek self-determination, says SSRANZ editor
KUCHING, April 1:
Citing the Chagos Archipelago Case, Sabah Sarawak Rights-Australia New Zealand (SSRANZ) opined that the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) is actually void and that Sarawak and Sabah should be seeking self-determination.
SSRANZ president Robert Pei said de-facto Law Minister Datuk Liew Vui Keong may not have carefully considered the full implications of what he said on March 25 that the government would not agree to any suggestion and issue raised in relation to the dissolution of MA63 and self-determination when replying to the oral question raised by Datuk Dr Jeffrey Kitingan who is Parti Solidariti Tanah Airku Rakyat Sabah leader and Keningau MP.
“The minister may not have been aware that the International Court of Justice had made a decision on Feb 25, 2019, which in re-affirming the right of peoples to self-determination (UN Resolution 1514XV), re-stated the international law rule on treaty making that only sovereign states can make treaties, and colonies (non-self-governing territories) are not sovereign independent states with power to make such treaties with independent states.
“The case related to issues on the decolonisation of Mauritius in 1968, which challenged the validity of the 1965 Mauritius ‘agreement’ with the United Kingdom to ‘detach’ the Chagos Islands from Mauritius territory to form a new colony in 1965. It was referred to the ICJ, which hears legal submissions over international boundary disputes, after an overwhelming vote in 2017 in the UN assembly in the face of fierce opposition from a largely isolated UK.
“For the first time on record, it appears that an eminent court of law has reopened a `decolonisation’ case and questioned the validity of a treaty made by a ruling colonial power with its colony and whether decolonisation had been lawfully completed in accordance with the right of peoples to self-determination,” said Pei in a statement today.
He said for the same reason, the MA63 was void ab initio (invalid from the beginning) and there is nothing to be “dissolved” contrary to what Liew was saying.
“MA63 was made in violation of the said legal principle when North Borneo (Sabah) and Sarawak were still colonies. The formation of Malaysia under MA63 was intended by the UK as part of its decolonisation of Sabah and Sarawak by ‘integration with an independent state’ (Malaya under UN Resolution 1541XV).
“If MA63 was invalid and not binding, there is no ‘Federation of Malaysia’ to speak of and Sabah and Sarawak should indeed be talking about self-determination.”
Pei, a Sarawak-born Australian lawyer and activist, pointed out that the recent International Court of Justice’s (ICJ) decision on the Chagos Archipelago Case (Mauritius, delivered Feb 25, 2019) has confirmed his assertion since 2014 that MA63 was void ab initio.
He said the ICJ decision, therefore, has an immediate impact on the validity of MA63, and he queried whether the current inter-state/federal government MA63 talks have any legitimacy.
“The ICJ findings on the cited case was that Mauritius as a colony under the authority of the United Kingdom, its administering Power in 1965, could not make a binding international agreement with the UK as this was not a free and genuine expression of the will of the people.
“Para 172 of the ICJ decision stated that: ‘The Court observes that when the Council of Ministers agreed in principle to the detachment from Mauritius of the Chagos Archipelago, Mauritius was, as a colony, under the authority of the United Kingdom. As noted at the time by the Committee of Twenty-Four: ‘the present Constitution of Mauritius . . . do[es] not allow the representatives of the people to exercise – 41 – real legislative or executive powers, and that authority is nearly all concentrated in the hands of the United Kingdom Government and its representatives’ (UN doc. A/5800/Rev.1 (1964-1965), p. 352, para. 154).
“In the court’s view, it is not possible to talk of an international agreement when one of the parties to it, Mauritius, which is said to have ceded the territory to the United Kingdom, was under the authority of the latter.”
Pei said there were many similarities in the making of the UK-Mauritius Agreement of 1965 and the Malaysia Agreement 1963.
From July 9, 1963, to Sept 16, 1963, both Sarawak and Sabah were still colonies (as stated by Article 1 of MA63 and the Malaysia Act 1963) administered by the UK when they purportedly signed an international agreement with the UK, Malaya and Singapore agreeing to transfer British sovereignty over the Borneo territories and Singapore to the Federation of Malaya without independence first or consent and mandate freely given in a referendum on the Malaysia question.
The UK had claimed that this was one way to decolonise Sabah and Sarawak by integration in the Malayan Federation in accordance with the UN General Assembly Resolution 1541XV.
Pei said that on the date MA63 was signed, neither North Borneo nor Sarawak had self-rule. Nominal self-rule was only ‘granted’ to Sarawak for 55 days from July 22, 1963, and Sabah was granted 14 days of self-rule on August 31 before they were incorporated in the Malayan Federation renamed ‘Malaysia’ on Sept 16, 1963. This did not even in any way complied with requirements of UN Resolution 1541XV, which included the gaining of governing experience and political maturity to consider the federation proposal.
On August 31, 1963, the British Colonial Secretary Duncan Sandys (in rejecting Singapore Unilateral Declaration of Independence UDI) stated that Singapore, North Borneo and Sarawak were at all times territories under the authority and full control of the UK till Sept 16, 1963, the Malaysia formation date.
In view of this confirmation of Sabah Sarawak pre-MA63 status and applying the Chagos ruling on MA63, neither North Borneo, Sarawak nor Singapore could make a binding international agreement with the UK when it still had direct control over them on July 9, 1963.
Pei said the decision of ICJ, therefore, affirmed his assertion that MA63 was void ab initio (invalid from the beginning) for this reason.
“This means that the British decolonisation of Sabah and Sarawak had not been lawfully complied with in accordance with the people’s right to self-determination, especially the failure to obtain a mandate or consent freely given in a referendum on the Malaysia Question.”
He said as far as Minister Liew’s statement goes, there was no MA63 to be dissolved. He said this immediately raises the question of whether the Federation has been illegally controlling Sabah and Sarawak sovereignty since MA63, and is Malaysia just a de facto state that expanded its territories by absorbing the Borneo countries?
Further, according to the announced amendment to Article 1(2) of the Federal Constitution, the removal of Sabah and Sarawak status as ‘states’ means that they would revert to their pre-Malaysia status as ‘colonies’ as stated in Article 1 MA63 and in the Malaysia Act 1963 ratifying MA63.
“Therefore, the Minister was wrong to state that the Federal government would not consider dissolving MA63 or ‘self-determination’ for Sabah and Sarawak. In fact, if MA63 does not exist, the Federation is under a duty placed on it by the UN Charter and Resolution 1514 to immediately decolonise the 2 colonies.”
In conclusion, he called on the Sarawak and Sabah governments to seriously look at the Chagos Islands decision and review their respective states’ position in the Federation. They have a number of options, but the first thing to do is to assert and claim their people’s right to self-determination. — DayakDaily 
My comments:  It is indeed embarrassing and disappointing to the Malayan government to know the fact that they have no right to sign the international agreement with a child or teenager.