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Friday, 5 October 2018

Einstein 9:23 PM白色恐怖x档案
最新内幕消息

据可靠内幕消息指出
砂拉越两大报业
“诗华日报”与“星州日报”
将有场高层内部大地震!
报业内部传出将会有高层大换血
那些不亲希盟的或不听话
的编辑主编都会被撤换
据说都会换火箭的人去当编辑

消息指因为希盟火箭的高调大力介入
任何对希盟火箭不利新闻都要过滤
更重要的是有关砂拉越
主权的新闻都要删除或者不刊登!
还有消息说希盟火箭
还要报馆媒体大量打压主权新闻。

火箭此举都是为了在制造
“白色恐慌”
让那些要砂拉越主权的人感到害怕!甚至还要制造流言
说谁敢再说砂拉越要独立
就会被对付。

爱砂拉越的砂人民你们会退缩吗?


https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=1275631769245203&id=578705932271127
My comments:
       如果火箭要玩火,最后被焚烧的是自己。这是网络时代。火箭509之前有95%的华人支持现在,还剩多少呢? 尤其在砂罗越,华人还有多少支持他们? 还有10%吗? 这最好是等2021 年砂国选时才说啦。


马来人勿怪罪他族

2018年10月5日

评论: 刘华才

        一年一度的巫统大会在上週末落幕,巫统本次代表大会是它在第14届大选痛失联邦政权的首次会议,场面难免显得冷清。主席阿末扎希发表政策演讲时强调,巫统不会开放给其他种族,更补充皆因其他种族亏待马来人,对马来人不公平且怀有偏见。他指出,其他种族常说马来人愚蠢、懒惰,太过依赖津贴和政府援助,更形容马来人是乞丐种族。基於这种偏见,马来人难以在非马来人所拥有的私人公司找到工作。也由於歧视,马来人依然无法控制国家经济。
        我日前就曾发文告,对阿末扎希这番言论感到失望,並批评他时至今日仍看不清问题所在。我认为,马来人经济地位无法超越非马来人,並非受到歧视及缺乏平等机会,而是在过去61年所推行的扶助政策下,导致一般马来人逐渐失去竞爭力,如果说有人缺乏平等机会,那么也应该是非马来人才对。
绝非肤色歧视问题
       我们相信马来人与国內其他族群是一样的,所有人都一样有机会取得成功,但是前朝政府长期给予马来人扶助,使马来人习惯了使用枴杖,各种援助得来太易,结果反而害了马来同胞日渐失去竞爭力。我要强调的是,非马来人私人企业並没有歧视马来人,因为成功的企业都必须有人才,纵观国內成功的非马来人企业,例如亚航、云顶集团及杨忠礼集团等,都不乏马来精英出任高层人员。
        坦白说,在商业世界中,只有人才与庸才,並没有种族之分,一家公司绝不会因为你的种族,即使你是庸才也出钱养著你。反之,若你是顶尖人才,没有公司会在乎你的肤色。这样的情况在世界500强企业中比比皆是,这就是现实的商业世界。
       我促请阿末扎希必须看清现实,並擬定新的方向与计划来提升马来人的竞爭力,而不是怪罪其他种族对马来人不公平。马来西亚各族都是同气连枝的命运共同体,任何一个族群落在后头,国家都不会取得成功。
       挑起对马来人不公的课题不仅是巫统,我们的首相敦马又是一个老调重提,再次提起华人富有论,还说种族之间贫富差距必须取得平衡,以及他不会停止扶助土著政策。这样的言论不禁令我感叹,敦马做了22年的首相,在15年后再上任时,为何还看不清现实呢?不仅不著重问题根源,仍然重蹈覆辙。为什么还是离不开种族主义,放眼自由竞爭市场呢?说好的新政府、新思维呢?
       身为一国之首,敦马应设法让国人安居乐业,而不是一而再,再而三强调国人族群之间財富的差距。要平衡贫富,必须从根本下手,而不是对一方一味拔苗助长,对另一方却加以限制枷锁,这不是平稳种族关係的最佳药方。
       正如我曾经说过,敦马製造华人富有,马来人贫穷的假象来获取马来人的支持,而此举將成为族群分裂的导因,並打开华人和马来人互不信任的开端。
       希盟在第14届全国大选中得到95%华人的支持,而华人投选希盟的原因,就是期望希盟能够改变以往不公正,偏颇特定族群的政策和思维,但希盟如今却鸟尽弓藏。而马哈迪已经是体制內的政策制定者,应该就事论事推动体制改革,而不是隨意发出种族言论,这对国民团结是於事无补的。

My comments:
       这邪魔分明是要引开人民对他和一家人搜刮的庞大不义之财的注视。所以他必须不断的制造话题引开人民对他的注意。总是阔大其词不断重复[华人很有钱]。合理化种种假借各种名堂捞取个人利益。看他上后,又为他的宝贝不成器的儿子谋取了多少权益。
       他的种种邪恶的行为是要面对非常不好的下场的。他的儿子们个个住在皇宫的豪宅。我相信有一天,他们会面对Allah拷问。下场是不堪设想的。比纳吉更难看。


—————  2018-10-4  —————
John Jones 9:40 PM文章取自Matt Yaw, 各位不妨抽时间细读。

當馬哈迪親自揭櫫MA63(Malaysia Agreement 1963)並無任何條款限制砂沙脫離馬來西亞獨立自主,去留的決定權都在砂沙人民手時,那人民如何行使手中的決定權呢?

按照民主國家慣例--投票決定。

投票的管道有兩個:一、公投,二、議會選舉

公投:
由於馬來西亞沒有公投法,若挑選項一,必須先讓公投法立法通過,然後國家選委會研擬施行細則,最後再擇日舉辦公投。

不論公投法的通過是否需經過聯邦國會或砂議會的批准,我們幾乎可以篤定斷言,其核准通過的機率恐怕比馬來西亞足球踢進世界杯還低。

聯邦國會深知通過公投法對馬來亞必然是後患無窮;
因為大家心照不宣,我們爭取公投的目的在於決定砂朥越在馬來西亞的去留,
若公投法通過,全國各地,尤其是沙巴或柔佛恐效法砂朥越,聯邦將面對馬來西亞分崩離析的風險。

雖然馬來亞部長官員弱智者多,但也絕不會蠢到幹斷自己財路的事(砂沙這兩塊肥肉,好不容易騙到手,豈能輕易放棄?)

而砂議會目前由GPS把持,GPS頭目阿邦佐已公開宣示自己和老馬情同父子,更誓言絶不退出馬來西亞。

因此指望砂議會或聯邦通過公投法,無異是搬梯子登月--辦不到!

好吧!就算聯邦國會議員佛心大發,突然展現宇宙無敵的民主精神,公投法終於排上議程,經過冗長的辯論,立法通過了。

姑且不論接下來選委會研擬公投施行細則要多久時間,依照國外例子,公投成案前必須經過民眾連署,連署必須達到法定的人數,公投案才成立,才能進行後續的公投。

在進行民眾連署之前,發動公投者必須先到各地辦說明會,讓民眾了解公投內容目的,活動的發起乃至對抗接踵而來的各種排山倒海、見縫插針、冷嘲熱諷的反動勢力,這一切若由民間一肩扛起,財力物力人力都是必須克服的難題。

接著簽名連署後需再進行精細核對,確保沒有重覆登記或幽靈人口的情形,不然就連署失效。

大馬初次舉辦公投,必然操作生疏,難保狀況百出。連署書送交聯邦時,如何確保不被動手腳,引發爭議,甚至走上曠時費日的司法訴訟一途,也是一大考驗。

而若公投投票率過低,或票數低於門檻要求,基於公投一戰定生死的遊戲規則,這一挫敗,除了向馬來亞還包括全世界公告說砂朥越人決定留在大馬懷抱,更意味著砂朥越復國之路就此斷送,翻盤無望。

對渴望早日獨立自主的砂朥越人而言,公投無疑是緩不濟急,更是充滿了各種難以逆料的變數,風險極高的選項!

議會選舉:
如同多數的英聯邦國家(Commonwealth Countries)
馬來西亞承襲英國議會制度,由人民選出能為自己發聲、爭取福利的代議士進入議會/國會,行使民主權力。這個制度已行使有年,作業嫻熟。

因此,想改變現狀,突破困局,最速捷有效的方式就是依循現有的遊戲規則、政治制度,把能爭取砂朥越脫離馬來西亞、完成復國的任務的代議士送進議會,然後按照法源依據,執行法定程序,讓砂朥越恢復國家主權地位,脫離馬來西亞,成為婆羅洲繼汶萊之後另一獨立國家。

即使該屆的選舉砂獨政黨無法贏得多數席次,順利執政,但至少我們還可再戰下一屆,這其間仍能繼續向民間宣揚政治理念,持續奮鬥。

關鍵數字--42:
目前砂議會的席次分配為: GPS(67席)、PH(10席)、UPP(5席)。
GPS和PH雖一個在朝、一個在野,但都是附馬派。
因此,即便下屆砂復國者聯盟能在兩大陣營中殺出重圍,順利進入議會,
佔有一至兩席次,但提出砂朥越獨立動議期望附馬派的兩大陣營附議通過,
其機率恐怕極為渺茫。要掌握勝算,砂獨聯盟的必須攻到42席,
方能達到"簡單多數決"(Simple Majority),
才能徹底翻轉砂朥越的命運,脫馬重生。

政治光譜:
下一屆砂選舉登記註冊的政黨共有6個: GPS(Gabungan Parti Sarawak)、
PH(Pakatan Harapan)、STAR(State Reform Party)、PAS(Malaysian Islamic Party)、PBDS Baru(Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak Baru)。

若把擁馬派和脫馬派分別置於政治光譜兩端,光譜右側為擁馬、左側為脫馬,
我們大致可以這麼分:PH和PAS在光譜的極右、GPS中間偏右、
STAR中間偏左、而左側,截至目前為止,我們似乎還沒看到任何以砂朥越復國為宗旨的政黨。或許,已有以砂獨為號召的政黨完成登記,準備投入2021的選戰,但礙於財力人力不足,無法爭取到媒體曝光度,以致於砂朥越人民根本意識不到它們的存在。

距離下屆砂大選僅剩3年不到的時間,如何讓光譜的這一端亮起來,是所有期待砂朥越國頂天立地重生的砂朥越人,從現在開始就必須努力的事!

召喚Rentap
我們期待一個跨族裔的,一個承襲Rentap的戰神氣魄、能為砂朥越復國奮戰到底的政黨誕生。
目前檯面上比較接近我們期望值的似乎只有STAR((State Reform Party),
即便就政黨名字字義上理解,"State"仍不脫把自己定位於馬來西亞的State之一,有自我矮化之嫌。

然而,相對於GPS面對馬來亞鴨霸時的卑躬屈膝、懦弱無能,STAR在最近發起的對國油抗議中郤展現了膽於挺身而出、仗義執言的勇氣。

當全砂其他政黨都保持緘默,或只是練練嘴炮時,STAR是唯一跳出來,號召民眾到國油門口、以行動抗議的政黨。

我們期望STAR不再僅止於要求聯邦審視MA63和18條協議(18-Point Agreement),
因為這些試探喊話,即便分貝再高,除了遭遇馬來亞的一貫冷處理外,這些要求其實
都還是停留在一種下對上的乞討狀態。

我們都知道,只有完全獨立自主,砂朥越人才能找回真正的幸福。

砂復國者聯盟及火苗播撒
零星各據山頭的砂獨團體必須進行整合,有系統的打組織戰,才能對抗土團病毒的蔓延,才能對抗財大勢大的馬來亞黨,咱有團結合力才能發揮螞蟻雄兵的力量,絕地逢生。

在砂獨共主尚未誕生之前,建議STAR應優先起跑,帶動氣勢。
STAR應自即日起廣召黨員和義工,在砂各大城市街頭設置據點,歡迎並號召愛砂民眾踴躍入黨。
入黨免費,但也接受樂捐,作為推動復國運動經費。

現場有中英巫三種語文的傳單(leaflet)派送,傳單內說明復國後的願景,未來可以為砂民帶來的福利,以及獨立過程中可能出現的陣痛和克服的辦法等。
要讓選民知道,我們不但有主張,也有辦法!幸福不再是口號,只要團結合力,是能夠一步一腳印實現的。
我相信,一定有許多當年辦理S4S簽名運動的義工願意加入這行列。在政黨經費有限的情況下,義工們可以發揮撒豆成兵的功效,從城市到鄉間,在未來的兩年多裡,點燃一個個火種,直到光復砂朥越!

與此同時,STAR可延攬退役的各黨大老或議員,如鄧倫奇、温利光等擔任智庫顧問或領導團行列,尤其更要號召各族政要或名望之士的加入,把獨立能量匯聚起來。

全砂82個選區,至少60個選區必須有砂復國的候選人。
因此候選人的徵召、遴選、培訓、乃到各自選區去宣揚理念等都是刻不容緩的事。
STAR 自即日起必須廣發英雄帖,從海內外徵召、游說有能力,形象良好的砂朥越各族子民,出戰2021的砂大選。

當獨立運動匯溪成河,開始勢不可擋時,目前的朝野政黨必將感受到民意壓力,進而產生西瓜偎大邊的效應。
當彼等開始"華麗轉身",向民意靠攏、光譜的左側亮度逐漸提高到熾熱耀眼時,
砂朥越重生的日子就不遠了!

半個多世紀以來,砂朥越的奶水已經哺育馬來亞長大成人,
讓馬來亞得以有今日的繁榮進步,砂朥越已經仁至義盡了。砂朥越人只想說聲:
"夠了!馬來亞請斷奶吧!",我們只想用剩下的老本,好好培育撫慰被忽視了55年的砂朥越子民、和重新療癒這塊受傷的土地。分手不必翻臉,砂朥越人有雅量,分手後我們還是可以把馬來亞當友邦。(如果你們想買油、買電,還是可以給你一些優惠折扣的!)

既然老馬已經幫砂朥越人開了第一槍,砂朥越的獨立運動不必再猶抱琵琶半遮面,
不必再自已劃設紅線,不必再低調婉轉迂迴,起跑吧!復國者們,決戰2021!
張鸿泰 10:54 PM《新國產車用的是納稅人的血汗錢》

報紙說的『新的國產車完全由私人界出資』是騙人的。因為大家都引述馬新社的報導,不敢改動。馬新社的新總裁是前火箭報編輯,剛被老馬調過去的。

將會生產國產車的兩間公司, Silterra 是國庫控股 Khanazah 100% 獨資擁有的。國庫的主席是老馬,剛剛自己委任自己。國庫是阿公錢,私人什麼屁?

分明是拿國家的錢來搞和養朋黨,因為另一家 CTRM 是老馬多年忠實朋黨賽莫達的 DRB Hicom 的。

Silterra 和 CTRM 都是虧大錢的。Silterra 做的晶電是比台灣落後幾代的技術。

這是你們要老馬而會得到的整個配套:派自己人控制媒體,然後用國家錢養朋黨,以前是通過達因偷龍轉鳳,手法比雞哥高很多,林婊子有他全部的貪腐資料的,不信問他。現在不用偷偷摸摸了,因為沒有人監督他了。

然後用反貪會抓不肯屈服的巫統,投靠土團的無論多貪污都不會有事,其他的則用煽動法令對付。老馬一上台,你會看到兩樣最明顯的:白色恐怖,和朋黨肆虐。

最可笑和可恥的是,火箭狗會還是會找藉口來漂白這『救國的93歲老人』,愚弄鄉民,然後中文報竟然沒有個像樣的財經編輯,連國庫控股都不知道,或不敢寫。看來大家對第三國產車充滿期待啊,呵呵呵。大家等著回到以前天價日本車的時代吧!

My comments:
这邪魔以National Bhd名义去做个人搞个人和朋党的利益。

Wednesday, 26 September 2018

Blog and Tweet 27/9/2018 The Curses of Centralisation and Monopoly



Blog and Tweet  27/9/2018  The Curses of Centralisation and Monopoly
        The centralization of the federal power to control the 11 states in Peninsular Malaya and two colonised territories in Sarawak and Sabah allow the evils and sins of corruption and collusion to penetrate to every agencies of the government.
        In the name of National Sdn Bhd, we bear witness how Dr. Mahathir, controlled the companies Petronas, Khazanah ……and many, many other government-linked companies during his last tenure as Prime Minister of Malaysia from 1981-2003.  We all bear witness how he amassed ill-gotten wealth for himself and his family through different economic activities.  He gave out one mega-project after another mega-project which he gained in terms of n% commission, shares and so on through these projects.  It is said that he and his family posses the wealth worth US40 billion (RM160 billion).
     The so-called National Sdn Bhd like Petronas, Khazanah ….became more or less his private companies.  It is tax-payer-funded companies but he exploited them abusively.  We bear witness how he and his son headed these companies and the shares his other children owned in many, many companies.  We bear witness how they have become ultra-rich at the expense of the mass. 
        When Abdullah Badawi succeeded him as Prime Minister from 2003-2009, he tried to undo many bad practices of Dr. M. 
        When Najib succeeded Abdulla Badawi, he created another company called IMDB which led him to many criminal acts and sins and his downfall.  Najib, had mixed-up and messed up the public funds for his own gains and benefits though may not be as much as Dr. M.  He got entangled in the global scandalous IMDB criminal breaches of trust.   But Game-time for Prime Minister to abuse his power at will ended with the wide-awareness of the people.  Thus he was flushed out by the power of the people on 509.  
       Ironically, it was done or ‘killed’ by Dr. M being the leader  who had been the arch-builder for the foundation of all kinds of corruption and collusion taking place in the federation of Malaysia. 
       It is Dr. M who has created all these legacies of concentration of power and monopoly.  Hence, we bear witness all kinds of power abuse.  It is nothing surprising.  It is said, “No extreme can last.” 
        Now PH crowned Dr. M is still so autocratic as he still appointed himself to be the chairman of Khazanah Nasional Berhad.   He founded Khazanah Nasional Bhd in 1994 to his full advantage.  He also took full advantage of Petronas which is answerable to Prime Minister.  I only started finding out what Khazanah National Bhd which has been in existences since 1994 is all about after 509. 
       



(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malaysian_Maverick)

Konsortium Perkapalan

In early 1998, Petronas acquired a debt-laden shipping concern controlled by Mahathir’s eldest son Mirzan Mahathir’s Konsortium Perkapalan for RM 226 million and assumed its debts of more than 324 million, according to Far Eastern Economic Review stating the debt at RM 1.6 billion.

Sapura-Kenaca Petroleum

In early November 2012, Petronas Carigali Sdn Bhd reportedly awarded a RM700 million contract to a Sapura-Kencana Petroleum Bhd wholly owned subsidiary where Mahathir’s son Mokhzani is a vice-chairman. When asked during a press conference whether there was conflict of interest in the deal, Hampeh Mahathir replied in a sarcastic tone, "Yes of course, he (Mokhzani) is given it because I instructed Petronas. Put that in your paper. I presided over everything. I told them, please give to my son and not to anybody else. That’s what I have been doing all the time. When I was the prime minister, everything was given to my children. .."
Furthermore, in 1998, when Mahathir's eldest son Mirzan Mahathir lost 0.2 billion in a Macau casino, and his daughter was under house arrest, Mahathir ordered the then finance minister Daim to use national reserves to rescue his son.

Proton and MV Agusta : The Story

Former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir was appointed as Proton advisor in 2003. Since 1999, MV Agusta was heavily in debt, and the manufacturer was bought by Proton in December 2004 for €70 million. However, the Proton management decided to sell the stake to GEVI SpA, a Genoa-based financing company related to Carige, in December 2005, just for a token one euro.
During the selling negotiation process, there were a lot of Malaysian voices to object the deal, however, all was ignored by Proton. As the result, the selling deal caused Malaysian taxpayers facing total losses of 138.4 Million Euro (RM1.92 B), including the assets that MV Agusta have.
Malaysia corruption society root cause start from Tun Mahathir era's bail out to son and cronies company etc. At the UMNO General Assembly in 1998, a leading Anwar supporter, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, criticised the government for not doing enough to combat corruption and cronyism.
According to Malaysian Maverick, Tun Mahathir's era cost RM 100 billion in taxpayers' money. This included misuse of national reserves on silver price speculation and BNM's forex speculaton on Tun Mahathir's order.
(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malaysian_Maverick)

Monday, 24 September 2018

ipfs.io

Kingdom of Sarawak

The Kingdom of Sarawak was a state in Borneo established in 1841 by James Brooke receiving independent kingdom status from the Sultanate of Brunei as a reward for helping fight piracy and insurgency. Its statehood and identity as a sovereign country was first recognised by the United States in 1850 and then the United Kingdom in 1863. In 1888 Charles Anthoni Johnson Brooke, the successor of James Brooke, accepted a British protectorate, which it remained until 1946, when the third ruler Charles Vyner Brooke ceded his rights to the United Kingdom. Sarawak gained its independence from the British on 22 July 1963 and formed the Federation of Malaysia together with Singapore, North Borneo and the Federation of Malaya on 16 September 1963.

History


A sketch of Pangeran Raja Muda Hashim.
Sarawak was part of the Sultanate of Brunei in Borneo. During the reign of Pangeran Indera Mahkota, Sarawak was in chaos from piracy and insurgency. Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddin II (1827–1852) the Sultan of Brunei, ordered Pengiran Muda Hashim in 1839 to restore order and it was during this time that James Brooke visited Sarawak. Pangeran Muda Hashim initially requested assistance but James Brooke refused. Brooke was by then an independent adventurer with his own ship having left military employment in India after recovering from serious battle injuries. In 1841, James Brooke paid another visit to Sarawak and this time he agreed to assist Pangeran Muda Hashim. The success in defeating the pirates and insurgents led to the signing of a treaty in 1841 ceding as a reward Sarawak and Serian to James Brooke. Thereafter, on 24 September 1841, Pangeran Muda Hashim bestowed the title Rajah on James Brooke. He effectively became the Rajah of Sarawak and founded the White Rajah Dynasty of Sarawak, later extending his administration through an agreement with the Sultan of Brunei. The uniqueness of this arrangement in becoming a Rajah without any intent of colonising or imperialism mesmerised the British public's imagination and gave further impetus to exploration and rise to "man who would be king" adventurers in exotic locales.
James Brooke, who was to become the first White Rajah, received a sizeable tract of land from the Sultan. As time went on Sarawak's size would increase tremendously as more territory was leased or annexed from the Sultanate of Brunei.

The evolution of Malaysia

Japanese invasion

During World War II, Sarawak, as a British protectorate, was brought into the war against Nazi Germany, though as in World War I it had little direct involvement with the conflict aside from providing war materials. Resources for the defence of Sarawak, which was known to be a strategically important goal in the event of an expected Japanese attack, were not available because they were all needed for the defence of the home country. When the Pacific War began in December 1941, Sarawak was brought into the war against Japan on the side of the Allies as part of the British Empire. Sarawak depended upon British protection as she had very limited armed forces, although the Sarawak Rangers were mobilised. In the late 1930s, an air field was constructed near Kuching which could be used as a base for the Royal Air Force in the event of war with Japan, but this proved to be of little use due to the lack of British aircraft available in the Far East. A detachment of Indian Army infantry (2/15th Punjabi regiment) and some anti-aircraft guns were futilely dispatched to Sarawak[1] to support the Sarawak Rangers, as Sarawak was quickly overrun due to the lack of adequate protection. Rajah Vyner was visiting Australia at the time of the invasion and was unable to return to Sarawak until its liberation in 1945, despite his attempts to return and launch commando raids to fight the Japanese in the jungle. Sarawak's small merchant marine was used by the British in the Far Eastern campaign, with the sinking of the SS Vyner Brooke resulting in the infamous Banka Island massacre. A government in exile was formed, although it proved ineffectual due to the lack of contact with Sarawak. Sarawak, along with the rest of Borneo, was liberated by the Australian Army in 1945.

Cession to the Crown Colony of Sarawak

After World War II, Vyner Brooke ceded Sarawak to the Colonial Office for a sizeable pension for him and his three daughters. Charles' nephew, Anthony Brooke, who as designated heir bore the title of Rajah Muda, initially opposed cession to the Crown along with a majority of the native members of the Council Negri, or parliament. Duncan Stewart, the second British governor of Sarawak, was assassinated in the resulting unrest. As of now there is no serious movement for the restoration of the monarchy.

Demographics

Sarawak is notably different from peninsular Malaysia and even Sabah in that its ethnic groups are more varied due to the large proportion of tribal peoples such as Dayaks. Chinese migration was encouraged at various times by the Brookes.

Government

The three White Rajahs of Sarawak were:
When James Brooke first arrived in Sarawak it was governed as a vassal state of the Sultanate of Brunei. When he assumed control of the original area around Kuching in the 1840s much of the system of government was based on the ineffective Bruneian model. James set about reforming the government and eventually creating a civil service known as the Sarawak Service which recruited European, mainly British officers to run district outstations. He invited the Anglican Mission to set up church and schools, the diocese of Borneo with its own Archbishop. Particularly, the mission through Father McDougall set up the St. Thomas Anglican School, ( See:SMK St. Thomas) in 1848, still the oldest established European school in Southeast Asia. Thus, the residents became exposed to and trained in many British and European methods and culture. However, James retained many of the customs and symbols of neighbouring Malay monarchies and combined them with his own style of absolute rule. James Brooke was very particular in ensuring the local customs and beliefs of local indigenous races like the Dayaks, Ibans, etc. were maintained and respected. As the Rajah, he had the power to introduce laws and also acted as chief judge in Kuching. He selected his successor, his nephew, Charles Brooke who became the Second Rajah. Charles Brooke was responsible for acquiring more land from the Sultan of Brunei which basically led to the land size of Sarawak today.
He was succeeded by Charles Vyner Brooke as the Third Rajah. While the manner of his departure was controversial, Charles Vyner nonetheless instituted significant political reforms, including ending the absolute rule of the Rajah in 1941 ahead of the Japanese invasion by granting new powers to the Council Negri.

Military

Sarawak Rangers

The Sarawak Rangers were a para-military force founded in 1872 by the second Rajah of Sarawak, Charles Anthony Johnson Brooke. They evolved from the fortmen which were raised to defend Kuching in 1846. The Sarawak Rangers were first commanded by a William Henry Rodway (1836-1924), a trainee dentist whose only military training had been in the Torquay Volunteers when he was recruited to Kuching in 1862. The later became skilled in jungle warfare and general policing duties, being equipped with various western rifles, cannons and native weaponry. This small force also manned a series of forts around the country, performed ceremonial duties and acted as the Rajahs' personal guard.
Aside from protecting Sarawak's borders, they were used to fight any rebels and were engaged in a number of campaigns during their history. The Sarawak Rangers were disbanded for a few years in the 1930s, only to be reformed and mobilised for the Second World War in which they attempted to defend Sarawak from Japanese invasion in 1942 at the start of the Pacific War. After the abdication of Charles Vyner Brooke in 1946, the Sarawak Rangers became a colonial unit under direct British control and saw action in both the Malayan Emergency and the Borneo Confrontation.

Battle off Mukah


Jolly Bachelor engaging pirates off T.Datu, Sarawak, 1843
In November 1862 two Sarawakian warships under the Rajah Muda, Captain Brooke Brooke, attacked a force of Moro Pirates in six large proas when they raided the town of Mukah. Over the course of two or three hours, Brooke with his steamer Rainbow, and his gunboat Jolly Bachelor, sank four of the pirate ships either by cannon fire or by ramming them. Another was damaged by near hits and abandoned by her crew. In the end only a few Sarawakians were killed or wounded while the Moros lost several killed or wounded.[2]

Economy

By and large the Brookes pursued a policy of paternalism, aimed at protecting the 'native peoples' from capitalist exploitation but also preventing the same levels of development which were evident in some other parts of the British Empire. While James laid much of the groundwork for the expansion of Sarawak, it was his nephew Charles who was the great builder, both in terms of public buildings, forts and extending the borders of the state.
The Brookes were determined to prevent the peoples of Sarawak from being exploited by Western business interests and formed The Borneo Company Limited to assist in managing the economy. The Borneo Company Limited was also to provide military support to the Brookes during events such as the Chinese Rebellion when one of the company Steamers, The Sir James Brooke was used to assist in the recapture of Kuching.
The architectural legacy of the dynasty can be seen in many of the country's nineteenth century and colonial heritage buildings. In Kuching these include The Astana, or governor's residence, the Old Sarawak Museum, Fort Margherita, the Square Fort, the Old Courthouse and Brooke Memorial. Several key buildings from the Brooke period have been demolished, including the offices and warehouses of Borneo Company.
The country started issuing its own coinage from 1841 when it issued a one keping coin. This was later demonetised and cents were introduced from 1863 onward, in denominations ranging from a quarter cent to 50 cents. These were initially subdivisions of the Spanish dollar which was legal tender in the country, until a Sarawak dollar was introduced.
The dollar was the currency of Sarawak from 1858 to 1953. It was subdivided into 100 cents. The dollar remained at par with the Straits dollar and its successor the Malayan dollar, the currency of Malaya and Singapore, from its introduction until both currencies were replaced by the Malaya and British Borneo dollar in 1953.[3]

Culture

Modern Kuching still boasts many businesses and attractions which capitalise upon the era of the White Rajahs like The Astana, Fort Margherita, St. Thomas's Cathedral and School, and the world famous Sarawak Museum. The Brooke Dockyard, which was founded in the period of Rajah Charles, is still in operation, as is the original Sarawak Museum. The James Brooke Café and the "Royalist", a pub named after Rajah James's Schooner, pay tribute to the Brookes.