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Friday, 22 July 2016

Tweets 23July2016



Tweets  23July2016
Sarawak does not have the military build-up to talk MA63 forcefully.  Even with the declaration of Sarawak being an independent country or an equal partner like a brother in the Federation of Malaysia.  But the supreme power wants Sarawak to adopt the state status so much to the humiliation of all sensible Sarawakians. 

Adenan Satem still have to bow to say Sarawak being a state though we are an equal partner in the Federation of Malaysia.  I wonder if the supreme Federal power or the Malayan government have any shame.  When a pig is said to be a dog and we applaud to agree with it to be.  I must say we are in the boiling point of rage.

Tweets 22July2016



Tweets 22July2016
砂拉越今天庆祝独立日。砂不是一个马来西亚的一个州属政客官爷都很一致的说着说着。只可惜,每次提起砂拉越总是忘不了一州属自居。总是砂州,砂州。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。个不停。 

DAPPKR 或自称是本地政党,尤其是跟UMNO-BN的一群政党更是忘不了砂州的称呼以满足霸权的野心。

不管Adenan怎么说,他跟本无法代表砂国人民的意愿。 这种自相矛盾的行为。根本是在敷衍了事。站在个人利益的立场上谈砂自主权是丑恶无比的。砂沙两国脱不脱离马来西亚联邦是由我们人民来决定。 个个政客根本无法放下个人所掌控的权位,尤其是那些拥有“国会议员”职位的部长先生,小姐和女士们。

DAPPKR都是一马来亚中央的意愿为依归。那些打着本地政党旗帜的政党却跟UMNO-BN联合一起掠夺砂沙两邦国,更是可恶。 DAPPKR明目张胆的是马来亚政党肯定要滚回去。 本地各政党跟UMNO-BN有那种无法切割的亲密关系,要切断UMNO-BN那双邪恶的手在本地政党的操弄是根本不可能的事。

所以,只有真才实货本地的像[立新党][肯雅兰党] [新达雅党][砂人民力量党][砂人民经济党][和平党],我希望能真正为砂国建立起自己的世界地位。 脱不脱离马来西亚我们人民作决定。 首先,就是从[名正彦顺]做起。 拿回石油天然气的40%或更多。各税收的主权是砂邦国的全要回归。这我们要新的力量和全新的政府来处理。

DAP PKRBN本地政党的肯定都不行。他们都是以中央和州属的关系的模式来运作。以中央集权来管理一切。这种模式肯定会让砂邦国继续被剥削和掠夺。 AdenanSatem如果有担当,他应该很肯定拒绝消费税在砂进行。我们已经被这么严重的剥削和掠夺53年。现在,还要去承担马来亚政府不良的财经问题。 我们的关系是成员国的关系呢。

 




Friday, 15 July 2016

獨立五十年

獨立50年了,美其名曰是人民當家作主,但實際上是某些集團在操縱砂拉越的政治經濟與搞財產歸為私有,砂拉越鄉區下層人民得到了甚麼? 在城市的發展,多是朋帶關係,有發展潛能的土地都歸為朋黨、大財團擁有,...
砂拉越通過大馬獨立五十年的得與失
作者:李祺綿
上個世紀六十年代,為了爭取砂拉越的獨 立,人民聯合黨的主席王其輝(上圖中),多次率領數位人聯黨內的領導層,前來巴南河的馬魯帝與弄拉馬及再上游巴南河流域的長屋地區和其他省份的很多鄉區, 去拜訪當地鄉民並把爭取砂拉越獨立和人民自己當家作主人的理想和概念講述給人民知道。
1961年 當馬來亞首相東姑(上圖)於新加坡提出要合組馬來西亞的時候,我們的人民聯合黨就提出要先在砂拉越、沙巴和汶萊,這北婆羅洲三邦先行獨立的概念,我們認為 必須是英國人先讓三邦先行獨立,然後才以三個獨立的國家,再平等地和馬來亞、新加坡,共組馬來西亞,這就是五個獨立的政治實體,共同聯合成邦聯的基本原 則。上述原則和概念和今天的砂拉越、沙巴變成一個州,從共組變成“加入”馬來亞11個州,變成第12,及第13個州的實際情形有根本上的不同。
        1963-5 月東姑阿都拉曼為瞭解釋馬來西亞建國的立場,親自飛往東京會唔蘇卡諾, 8 月又飛往馬尼拉參加與蘇卡諾及菲律賓總結統馬卡巴加的極峰會議,會議中印、菲兩國表示歡迎馬來西亞,但必須在聯合國秘書長或其他代表到沙巴、砂勞越調查民 意,證實兩地人民表示欲加入馬來西亞。為了執行馬尼拉的決議案, 8 9 馬來亞政府請求英政府與聯合國秘書長宇丹合作。
         1963-8-12 聯合國秘書長宇丹正式委任九人代表團前往沙巴及砂勞越調查民意,在該團進行調查途中數次遭遇大規模的反對馬來西亞和平請願、抗議示威,和收到數十萬人簽名反對的抗議信.
         1963-9-4 完成工作, 9-18 日報告正式公佈,報告說明1/3明確反對,1/3贊成,另外1/3不明確表態。英國和東姑阿都拉曼等即據此斷定確定:沙、砂兩地大多數人民都表示欲加入馬來西亞。
馬來西亞宣佈成立
由於等候聯合國的調查結果,原定在 1963-8-31 成立的馬來西亞,因此延至 1963-9-16 日才宣佈誕生。
新加坡退出馬來西亞
1965-8-9 日新加坡因政治歧見太深而脫離馬來西亞,成為獨立共和國。
          回顧當年的國際情形是聯合國已經多次催促各殖民地宗主國必須在60年代頭給他們的殖民地予以獨立,而在我們砂拉越的政治情勢是左翼政治高漲,通過一般的選舉,是沒有任何其他政治組織能夠與人聯黨抗衡,左翼勢必上台執政;沙巴亦然;汶萊更加一邊倒向左翼的汶萊人民黨。而英國殖民部考慮到:
1,  砂、沙、汶這些左翼上台後的 執政者 將對英國通過其代理人東姑倡議的,並且計劃在1963年的831日成立馬來西亞的計劃產生變數;
2,  左翼上台不利於保護英國原有的利益;
3,  砂、沙右翼代理人已經和馬來亞的英國代理人與英國殖民部有所接觸和承諾,英國殖民部已經蓄意不讓砂、沙、汶的左翼上台。
          英 帝國主義為了在預期時間之內組成馬來西亞和保護其本身的利益,深知左翼力量是其最大的威脅,必須把他們逼出在公開、合法憲制之內爭取獨立運動的主流,好為 右派上台鋪平道路。所以,英帝不但不接受人聯黨等砂、沙、汶三邦政黨的先行獨立的倡議,反而在汶萊人民黨已經在選舉中囊刮全部55個席位的情況下,還以各種藉口, 一再不讓汶萊人民黨組閣執政,甚至通過某種巧妙誘導致使在砂、沙、汶、星、馬五邦代表團正在馬尼拉集合要出發去聯合國表達五邦人民不同意強行成立馬來西亞的心聲的1962128日 凌晨爆發汶萊武裝起義(幾天之內就被平定);隨之,立即在砂拉越各地對左派人士進行大逮捕,和封閉詩巫的《民眾報》、美里的《砂民日報》等,逼迫砂拉越左 翼力量中的大部分人離開以和平憲制爭取獨立的鬥爭,走上武裝革命道路。就這樣,英帝為其在五邦的代理人在預期時間之內執政掃清了公開憲法制度下的道路。
總之,英國通過上述種種手法把砂拉越與沙巴強行和馬來亞、新加坡合拼成馬來西亞而獲得獨立。後來又把新加坡踢出馬來西亞。
          無論如何,馬來西亞是成立了,砂拉越“通過共組”馬來西亞的“獨立”,也已經整整五十年了。在表面上,砂拉越到處開木山,美里民都魯大開石油天然氣,到處開油棕巴,再生能源走廊越搞越大,到處大卡車、小汽車,似乎風光得很。那麼,到底在這50年來,我們砂拉越與沙巴又有甚麼得與失呢?是時候來回顧了。
          在表面上看,在砂拉越與沙巴雖有十八條款與廿一條款的存在與執行。但是歷屆為政者都是以獨自的利益掛帥,把砂拉越與沙巴人民的權益被拋在腦後,而是以政權顧自己的家族、朋黨,搞貪污自肥,把各種利益集於一身。
          在 這裡,本質上沒有民主可言,若有,那只是名存實亡的“民主”。就以砂拉越而言,當初的人民聯合黨和土著黨一起組織聯合政府時,那是依人民的意願創設一個以 民為本的政體,凡重要的事,都應在為民的利益與前途為依歸的前提下商量之後才可以決定。但很遺憾的是,人民聯合黨的高層人士,除了一部分人的人有時有一些 為民的思想來治理砂州事務,而大部分都抵不過那些貪官污吏,得到一丁點的甜頭就把人民的一切都忘而不為。在聯合政府時期,那些抱大腿的議員,為了自身利益 而做出許多不利黨領導層的決策。更甚的是某黨一黨獨大,並以種種不合邏輯的手段,把人聯黨排斥在外。這就是砂拉越“民主”的一面觀。
          在聯合政府及隨後的國陣政府中,人聯黨根本就沒有參與決策的餘地,而其議員在當時的政治的潮流中,也沒有為黨為人民的利益堅持既定原則,沒有貫徹黨的主張去反對夥伴黨不合理的政策 ,反而是一呼百應地跟在夥伴黨的後頭。這樣子的“獨立”是人民要的嗎
         再來,人聯黨的提出發展三角地區的計劃,有否執行?成果呢?大財團與當政者,把所有資源都刮到殆盡,對鄉區人民有何益處呢?天然資源被掠奪,河流被污染,環境被破壞,鄉區人民在五十年來獲不得水電的供應,交通也在六、七十年代時的落後狀況,何來獨立的好處?
          在 砂拉越尤其是拉讓江上游勿拉牙與巴南河流域,擁有豊富的森林與綠色資源的大片土地,但在七十二年代開始被濫砍濫伐至今已淨光,而泥土的流逝,使到乾淨清澈 的河流充滿了污泥與黑水;環境被破壞的程度是極度的損壞,無法再回到原有的淨水。資源被偷走了無留片甲,而鄉村人民卻生活在水深火熱的環境里。他們的基本 的自來水與電流,居住房屋的基本條件缺乏。尤其是勿拉牙的鄉村道路;巴南河流域的道路更難有建路造橋的基本設施,許多地方還是以舟代步。五十年了,還要再 等幾個五十年呢?
          獨立50年了,美其名曰是人民當家作主,但實際上是某些集團在操縱砂拉越的政治經濟與搞財產歸為私有。下層人民得到了甚麼?其實是得不陪賞失。
          在城市中,砂拉越的發展,多是朋帶關係,有發展潛能的土地都歸為朋黨、大財團的擁有;對於道路的建造與提升都是空殼,五十年了,美民公路到底有無改善,所有道路使用者都心裡明白。
          巴貢的水壩已經完成了,但人民卻不能享有廉宜水電的供應。損失了大片的資源與土地,人民又得不到基本的設施與利益,這是甚麼道理?
          水壩的建造又不能實際的應用,勞民傷財,還損失大片土地,何有益處?現在,他們還想在巴南河等流域,再建造十二個水壩,這一切對人民有何益處?請問:把一切利益建在人民痛苦之上是當政者的構思與理想嗎?這就是五十年來獨立的唯一好處嗎?

Thursday, 14 July 2016

Substance in the form



My comments:
It is idiotic to think that to focus on the substance without caring for the form as the form is the foundation of the substance or it will fall apart and continue to mix up and mess up and lose everything on the onslaught of the supreme power of the Malayan government.  What has happened to Sarawak?  Is it not the result of not knowing the form to know the substance.   

For the past 52+ years, there have been a great mix-up and mess-up.  Is it not the time to sort out and pull Sarawak out of the mire?

Sarawak is by virtue a nation.  Hence the Federal Departments should phase out as soon as possible.  It is sensible to allow the Federal Departments to continue the work of plundering and exploitation here.  Besides, I hope all those who are holding the so called Parliamentary posts should be prepared to relinquish to assert our stance/stand as an independent entity in the Federation of Malaysia.

Let there be dateline and deadline to establish our autonomy and our status as a country/ nation.  Is the signing of agreement to turn Sarawak into a state on 27th August, 1976 valid or legal? 

Why are our Sarawak leaders be they from the ruling  or opposition pact so concerned of complying to the laws when the premise or the ground is invalid in every sense?

Stop taking part in 2018 so called National election.  Please stop being indulgent in the foul-plays and make-believes anymore.

If the form is not important, then does he mean that the status "the master and the servant; maid and madam, father, brother, husband and son, mother, sister, wife and daughter................."  are the same?

 

‘Focus on substance, not form’

July 12, 2016, Tuesday Churchill Edward and Geryl Ogilvy Ruekeith, reporters@theborneopost.com
Attention should be on Sarawak’s claims within the fundamental provisions of Malaysia Agreement, Constitution — Abdullah Saidol

Abdullah Saidol
KUCHING: State Barisan Nasional Backbenchers Club (BNBBC) chairman Abdullah Saidol said the argument whether Sarawak is a state or region is merely a question of “form”.
“What is more significant is the question of substance on Sarawak’s claims from the federal government within the fundamental provisions or philosophy of the Malaysia Agreement at first instance and within the ambit of the Constitution. Nothing more, nothing less,” he said yesterday.

“It is not going to be an easy task, but if the objectives or rationale behind the various claims are mutually understood and principally agreed, then all necessary efforts between the parties to pursue the administrative devolution should be moving forward without too much bureaucratic encumbrances.”
Abdullah, who is also Semop assemblyman and chief political secretary to the Chief Minister, was commenting on an issue on whether Sarawak should now be treated as a ‘state’ or ‘region’ or if the term ‘state’ should be dropped.

On Saturday, Local Government Minister Datuk Dr Sim Kui Hian urged Chief Minister Datuk Patinggi Tan Sri Adenan Satem to refer to Sarawak as a region in Malaysia and not a state within the federation when negotiating with the federal government on the devolution of power and autonomy.

Dr Sim, who is also SUPP president, argued that if 
Sarawak was serious about fighting for its autonomy and reclaiming its status as a region in the nation as written in the MA63, Adenan should take the lead in making such stand. To stress this point, he also called for the word ‘state’ to be dropped when referring to Sarawak’s legislative assembly or government.

Abdullah said the matter was closely observed by all Sarawakians in view of the common desire to urgently fulfill and to narrow the development gap between Sarawak and states in the peninsula.

“Our chief minister’s sincere mission on this initiative is not a rhetorical secondary effort. He means business and all Sarawakians are behind him,” Abdullah said.
“As I have said before, negotiations on these claims must not be taken for granted and must gradually produce positive results.

“Otherwise, it is going to be tough in the coming general election.”

Meanwhile, state BN secretary-general Datuk Dr Stephen Rundi Utom said Adenan did not need any reminder from his cabinet members or lawmakers on what is the best term to refer to Sarawak when negotiating with Putrajaya on the devolution of power and autonomy.

He assured that Adenan knew the proper word to address the state with regards to the Malaysia Agreement, 1963 (MA63). He pointed out that the state government had never referred to Sarawak as one of the states in Malaysia, but an equal partner in the country’s formation in 1963.

“We never referred to Sarawak as one of the states in Malaysia, but a partner of the Federation of Malaya and Sabah to form Malaysia as stipulated in the Malaysia Agreement. That is exactly what the chief minister has been doing, and I don’t think he needs any reminder from anyone of us,” Dr Rundi, who is also the Public Utilities Minister, said when contacted yesterday.

Meanwhile, state PKR vice chairman See Chee How was reported yesterday as saying that Sarawak was referred to as a ‘state’ in the Malaysia Agreement that was concluded and signed on July 19, 1963.

The Batu Lintang assemblyman explained that Article 1 of the Malaysia Agreement had provided that the states of Sarawak, Sabah and the state of Singapore (irrelevant now) shall be federated with the existing states of the Federation of Malaya and the Federation shall thereafter be called ‘Malaysia’.

See argued that there was no basis to refer to Sarawak as a region and not a state within the federation, considering how the word ‘State’ is being used and provided under the Federal Constitution.

He pointed out that the word ‘State’ was not only an expression of the Federal Constitution, but in the “constructions and formulation of the provisions in the Malaysia Agreement, Sarawak and Sabah being expressed and termed as ‘States’ does not in any way derogate Sarawak and Sabah”.