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Monday, 16 March 2026

揭露殖民主义的欺诈惯性

揭露殖民主义的欺诈惯性:从亚丁到婆罗洲;《雅加达和平条约》公投授权从未落实;联合国评估属于越权行为;三重欺诈导致《1963年马来西亚协议》自始无效。【国际讯】 砂拉越沙巴权益澳洲新西兰协会(SSRANZ)与肯雅兰全民党(PBK)今日发表联合声明及评论。最新的法律分析揭露了英国在处理《1963年马来西亚协议》(MA63)时存在惊人的违规行为:该协议直到1970年才在联合国注册,而此时距离新加坡于1965年独立并导致该条约框架实质性失效已过去五年。

新加坡的退出摧毁了 MA63 的五方结构,从根本上改变了条约的目标,使得原始协议在法律上已经过时。

1970 年的注册违反了《联合国宪章》第 102 条下的《联合国惯例汇编》。当新加坡于 1965 年 8 月 9 日合法脱离(并根据联合国条约集注册号 I-8206 成为主权独立国家)时,MA63 的签约方和目标已发生根本性变化。根据《维也纳条约法公约》(VCLT)第 62 条,新加坡的退出构成了“情势变更”,摧毁了 MA63 作为一个四邦联邦的目标。根据联合国规定,英国当时有义务执行以下操作之一:注册一份注明新加坡退出的修订后协议;注册一份新的四方协议;或提供引用 UNTS I-8206 的注释注册。

然而,英国并未履行上述任何法律选项,而是采取了实质上的欺诈性隐瞒,以获取联合国对一份已作废文书的认可。这种蓄意遗漏——在新加坡独立五年后(且在 MA63 签署七年后)仍注册原始的五方协议——构成了对联合国的恶意虚假陈述,以及《维也纳条约法公约》项下的欺诈性隐瞒。

第一部分:1963年联合国评估的“越权行为”——引用未注册条约
1963 年 9 月 19 日的联合国评估、背书及法律意见均违反了《联合国宪章》第 102(2) 条,属于越权行为。在执行这些行动时,MA63 尚未注册,在任何联合国机构面前均不具程序上的执行力。

此外,MA63 已被 1963 年 7 月 31 日签署的《马尼拉协定》所取代,后者于 1965 年在联合国注册。该协定确立了组建马来西亚的强制性先决条件,包括:根据联合国大会第 1541 (XV) 号决议对民意进行受监督且真正自由的核实,以及和平解决菲律宾对沙巴的领土主张。由于这些条件从未达成,MA63 保持无效状态。

第二部分:MA63 仅为修正案而非建国条约——欺诈性的虚假陈述
法律证据确认,MA63 并非旨在通过解散马来亚联合邦并由四方制定新宪法来创建一个新的联邦。相反,它仅是通过修改《马来亚联邦宪法》来扩大现有马来亚联合邦的工具。1963 年 9 月 16 日,马来亚常驻联合国代表在致秘书长的信函中将马来西亚描述为“马来亚”更名为“马来西亚”,而未明确提及增加了三个新领土。这种误导是为了避开菲律宾和印度尼西亚的反对。

第三部分:1965-1970 年注册冲突——隐瞒重大变更
1970 年,英国将 MA63 注册为原始五方条约,在新加坡已独立五年后仍将其列为签约方。这是对联合国的欺诈:英国在明知新加坡已不再是成员、马来西亚已从四实体联邦缩减为三实体联邦、且沙巴和砂拉越从未就此根本性修改获得咨询的情况下,提交了虚假文书。

第四部分:英国的欺诈模式——从亚丁到婆罗洲
这种欺诈行为符合英国非殖民化过程中的系统性欺诈模式。在亚丁(1967年)、肯尼亚(1963年)和埃及苏伊士运河危机(1956年)中,英国均优先考虑地缘政治利益而非法律义务和真正的民族自决。

第五部分:1966年《雅加达和平条约》——未履行的公投义务
1966 年结束印马对抗的《雅加达和平条约》第一条要求马来西亚通过大选以“自由和民主的方式”让沙巴和砂拉越人民重新确认其地位。然而,这一公投承诺从未兑现。英国作为主要的殖民权力和 MA63 签署国,对此保持沉默,允许马来西亚逃避履行国际和平条约义务。

第六部分:三重殖民欺诈——1946, 1963, 1970
1946年: 英国吞并砂拉越和沙巴,违反了给予独立的承诺。

1963年: 在未举行公投、强加胁迫条件并操纵联合国评估的情况下将领土移交给马来亚。

1970年: 在联合国注册时隐瞒新加坡退出及未履行公投义务的事实。

结论:恢复原状 (Restititutio in Integrum)
1970 年的注册并未使 MA63 合法化,反而暴露了跨越三十年的系统性殖民欺诈。SSRANZ 与 PBK 提出三项立即要求:

联合国介入调查: 针对 1970 年注册行为涉嫌违反《联合国宪章》第 102 条的欺诈性虚假陈述展开调查。

国际法院(ICJ)咨询意见: 就新加坡退出对 MA63 有效性的影响、未履行的《雅加达和平条约》公投义务以及英国的欺诈模式寻求法律判定。

联合国监督下的公投: 让沙巴和砂拉越人民行使延迟了六十年的自决权。

MA63 有效吗? 基于国际判例、殖民承诺、《马尼拉协定》条件及和平条约义务,答案是否定的。这一违法链条始于 1946 年,并在 1963 年导致 MA63 自始无效 (Void ab initio),至今依然无效。

签署:
温利山 (Voon Lee Shan) —— 肯雅兰全民党 (PBK) 主席
罗拔培 (Robert Pei) —— 砂拉越沙巴权益澳洲新西兰协会 (SSRANZ) 主席

日期:2026年3月8日

Wednesday, 25 February 2026

Sarawak indisputable rights

IT is a known fact that one of the main reasons why Sarawak had no choice but to join the federation of Malaysia in 1963 was due to threats from the communist’s insurgency as well as Indonesia’s aggression leading to the confrontation that lasted until 1965.

The other reason was that, both Malaya and Singapore then were already way ahead in terms of development compared to Sarawak, which was then under-developed, and poverty was rampant. As such, Sarawak was keen to be part of the much larger, safer and richer entity.

Fast forward, even after more than half a century in the federation, Sarawak continued to lag in terms of physical development, especially in terms of infrastructure such as roads, bridges. The primary reason was not that Sarawak is poor because its people are lazy as claimed by some veteran politicians in Malaya but rather because, its vast natural resources such as oil and gas, have been tapped and its massive returns were channelled to the federal government with only 5 per cent reverted to Sarawak.

Since the Petroleum Development Act 1974 (PDA 74) was enforced, it has been reported that Sarawak has contributed some RM1 trillion to the national coffer, and in return, a mere 5 per cent, which is equivalent to RM50 billion, was given back to Sarawak in the past 50 years. This translates to only about RM1 billion a year against RM20 billion for Putrajaya.

Recently, Senator Robert Lau revealed that Sarawak accounted for 60 per cent of natural gas produced in Malaysia. And out of this, 94 per cent is used by Petronas to convert to liquefied natural gas (LNG) and exported.

And Lau also made a bombshell revelation that all the gas produced offshore of Malaya are retained for use in Malayan states to support their industries and sold for power generation by independent power producers at subsidized rates.

And in vast contrast, Sarawak has only been allocated with a mere 6 per cent of its natural gas for its local industries and power generation with price determined by Petronas. And Petronas would then tell investors who wish to invest in Sarawak that there is no supply of gas left for them.

This shocking revelation made by Lau only goes to show that Petronas has not been honest to assist the Sarawak Government to develop the region which is almost as big as the whole of Malaya. This massive mismatch in terms of financial benefits to Sarawak has stunted its physical development causing it to lag in almost every sector of the economy. Thus, causing Sarawak to continue to be listed as one of the poorest regions in the country.

Then a twist of fate turned the tide in Sarawak’s favour when the late Pehin Sri Adenan Satem, whom Sarawakians fondly called Ton Nan, was appointed as Chief Minister in 2014. With his strong legal background, he managed to stir up the patriotic feelings among Sarawakians to fight for better deals for Sarawak under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA 63), which specially focuses on its O & G, immigration autonomy and its labour needs.

Although Tok Nan was in power for only three years, it was enough to chart the way forward for his successor Datuk Patinggi (Dr) Abang Haji Abdul Rahman Zohari Tun Abang Haji Openg to draw a bold new policy to overhaul and to modernise Sarawak’s economy. 

With the dawn of a new era under the stewardship of Abang Zohari since 2017, Sarawak has embarked on the Post-Covid Development Strategy (PCDS) 2030, which is a bold and revolutionary policy in order to achieve a developed status by 2030. And since taking office, he has managed to develop Sarawak by leaps and bounds. And, an estimated RM40 billion has been spent to modernise Sarawak, including sourcing for new sources of energy such as green economy and green technology which focuses on hydrogen.

And one of Sarawak’s major revenues since 2019 has been from its 5 per cent State Sales Tax (SST) imposed on oil and gas; plantations and smelting companies operating in Sarawak. It has been reported that since the introduction of SST, it has yielded RM18.6 billion to the State coffer. And with Sarawak-owned petroleum company, Petros being given the role as the sole aggregator of O & G sector in Sarawak, it is projected that Sarawak can earn a staggering between RM30-RM40 billion annually.

To further consolidating Sarawak’s O & G resources, both the Sarawak Government and Petronas have agreed that by July this year, Petronas, (which has been operating in Sarawak for the past 50 year) has been given three months to comply with the new ruling that it would cease to be the sole aggregator of O & G in Sarawak and the role would be transferred over to Petros.

As agreed earlier on by both parties that by October 31, it would have ceased its role as the sole aggregator of O & G in Sarawak. However, is has rescind on its earlier decision and decided to further negotiate with the Sarawak Government on the matter, and, without any new deadline being set. This has caused discontentment and among Sarawak’s top leadership. 

During the last DUN Sitting, Minister of Utility and Telecommunications Dato’ Sri Julaihi Narawi chided Petronas to accept the fact that that the sole aggregator for O & G in Sarawak has been given to Petros, and that fact has been finalised and non-negotiable, as the law was based on the Oil Mining Ordinance (OMO) 1958 and Gas Distribution Ordinance 2016 

To further underlined Sarawak’s seriousness to enforce its own law governing the O & G, many legal minds including prominent lawyer Dato Shankar Ram Asnani and Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) chief whip and Satok Assemblyman Dato Ibrahim Baki, pointed out that Sarawak’s legal rights over its O & G reigns supreme over the PDA 1974, as OMO 1958 was never repealed under the MA 63,and was made part of the Federal Constitution, which is being placed under the State List of the Ninth Schedule, giving Sarawak the autonomy over its O & G industry. Under MA63, Sarawak’s autonomy also includes immigration and its labour needs.

And Ibrahim has been made busy to counter the allegations of many critics and detractors to Sarawak’s right over its O & G resources. Ibrahim’s latest war of words was against former Law Minister Datuk Former Law Minister Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, who has characterized Sarawak’s claim that its boundaries were extended before Malaysia Day by the Sarawak (Alteration of Boundaries) Order in Council, 1954, which Ibrahim described as a “misunderstanding of maritime law”.

In a very technical legal terms, Ibrahim stressed that Zaid’s contention was that the two concepts of “exploitability” (of petroleum resources) and “the geological concepts of a state’s territorial limit” cannot be conflated.

Ibrahim pointed out that Zaid’s arguments were flawed because in Malaysia, the federal Constitution is supreme. It lays down who has the legislative authority over “exploitation” of resources like petroleum and these resources are part of land. Hence under Item 2 of the List (State List) in the Ninth Schedule of the federal Constitution the State has legislative (and hence executive) authority over “land”.

 

“Such legislative authority includes under Item 2(c) the issuance of prospecting licences, mining leases and certificates. Item 8(j) of the List I (federal list) in the Ninth Schedule is expressly subject to Item 2(c) of the State List. The Federation may have the power of the development of natural resources, oil and oil fields but subject to Item 2(c) in the State List. 

“All States, including Sarawak, have the right to regulate petroleum mining or development of oil fields on land in the State, and the federal powers to develop petroleum resources is subject to item 2(c) of the State List, that is subject to prospecting licences, mining leases and certificates, issued by the State. Bearing in mind, the Constitution, and not Parliament, is supreme, on what constitutional basis did Parliament pass the Petroleum Mining Act, 1966 to authorize a federal “Petroleum Authority” to issue mining leases.

Ibrahim said further said, “Perhaps, Datuk Zaid can enlighten every Malaysian, under what provision of the federal Constitution, is Parliament empowered to pass a law to vest all petroleum found onshore and offshore Sarawak in Petronas. Unless these pertinent questions are answered convincingly, Sarawakians have every reason to feel aggrieved that have been deprived of their rights to exploit the petroleum resources found onshore and offshore Sarawak through laws which Parliament did not have the constitutional authority to enact.

Ibrahim explained that on the geological territorial limits of Sarawak, no one can dispute that the 1954 Order in Council extended the boundaries of Sarawak to include the seabed and subsoils forming the Continental Shelf contiguous to the territory waters.

“This extended submerged area was “Crown land” which on Malaysia Day was vested by the British Monarch in Sarawak by one of the constitutional instruments annexed to the Malaysia Agreement by Article III thereof. These extended submerged area in the Continental Shelf were never vested by the British Crown in the Federation or in the Federal Government.

“Malaysia’s claim to sovereignty over the Continental Shelf under the United Nations Laws of the Sea (UNCLOS) 1982, does not affect the rights and authorities of Sarawak or the territory of Sarawak. This is clearly stated in the definition of “continental shelf” in the Continental Shelf Act, 1966, as amended in 200,” Ibrahim said.

Ibrahim reiterated that what Sarawakians would like to have is an amicable and fair resolution of their legitimate claim to fair and equitable share of the petroleum resources, more natural gas for local industries and greater right to participation in the upstream and downstream oil and gas businesses. Sarawak’s contributions and sacrifices towards the national economic well-being should not be overlooked. 

“Finally, and more importantly. Sarawakians want all the laws that safeguard the territory of Sarawak and its rights to petroleum resources and downstream oil and gas industry respected and duly complied with by all parties operating in Sarawak,” added Ibrahim.   

Sarawak’s stance on its O & G resources has been unwavering. This was evident when Minister of Tourism, Creative Industry and Performing Arts Dato’ Sri Abdul Karim Rahman Hamzah said in his Winding-Up Speech that, not only Petronas must abide by the State law on O & G, but also, he reminded the national oil corporation to abide with Sarawak’s autonomy on immigration where he warned that Sarawak will no longer tolerate whoever comes to Sarawak to work with merely using their social visa permits, even for a few days.

Lest Petronas forgets, an incident happened back in 2016, when Tok Nan threatened not to issue work permits to non-Sarawakian senior personnel of Petronas, including directors, if the oil giant disagreed with Sarawak’s policy on local participation in the O & G industry.

Sarawak’s stance on is O & G is final and non-negotiable as mentioned by the Premier when he delivered his speech in Gedong recently, that he was willing and ready to face Petronas in court should it continued to drag its feet.

It is hoped that both Putrajaya and Petronas must respect Sarawak’s laws that governs its resources, its immigration and its labour needs to ensure that it will be able to catch up with the more advanced states in West Malaysia. After all, Sarawak as partner in the formation of Malaysia, is not asking for the moons and the stars but merely for its fair share of the deal as a legitimate partner under MA 63.-Game Changer 

https://premierdept.sarawak.gov.my/web/subpage/news_view/9928/UKAS

Saturday, 24 January 2026

The Petronas Subsidiaries Case

The Petronas Subsidiaries Case: Federal-State AG Roles and MA63 Judicial Autonomy

This case is only nominally about service of papers and which AG sits in court. Substantively, it is about who controls hydrocarbons governance in Sarawak: Malaya or Sarawak.

🔻

1. Why Petronas Is Fighting This So Hard

Petronas is not defending RM120m. That amount is irrelevant.

Petronas is defending a precedent:

If Sarawak’s DGO is upheld, then Petronas is no longer the uncontested monopoly over downstream gas inside Sarawak.

Once that happens:
 • Sarawak can license, regulate, and penalise gas distributors.
 • Petronas becomes just another commercial operator subject to state law.
 • Every future gas project must go through state regulatory compliance, not just federal fiat.

That is an existential shift for Petronas’ business model.

🔻

2. Why the Federal AG’s Position Aligns With Petronas

On paper, the federal Attorney-General is meant to be neutral. In practice, the record tells a more interesting story.

Factually:
 • Federal AG’s Chambers supported Petronas’ procedural position.
 • Federal counsel wrote to the court indicating no objection to the judicial review.
 • Federal counsel argued the federal AG is the sole guardian of public interest.

These positions are reflected in the court record.

Whether this amounts to “non-neutrality” is interpretation. But the effect is unmistakable: the federal AG’s submissions defend centralised legal authority, not Sarawak’s statutory autonomy.

In other words, the federal AG’s legal stance happens to protect exactly the same structure that Petronas depends on.

🔻

3. Why Sarawak Is Framing the Fight as Constitutional

Sarawak’s legal strategy is extremely deliberate:

They are not rushing to argue that the DGO is valid.
They are doing something far more dangerous:

They are challenging who even has the right to define the battlefield.

Their real argument is this:

“Before you decide whether the DGO is lawful, decide who represents the public interest in state law.”

If the court accepts that:
 • The State Attorney-General is constitutionally independent.
 • The federal AG is not automatically the guardian of state public interest.

Then everything changes downstream:
 • Sarawak controls its own enforcement.
 • Federal agencies lose automatic legal authority over state statutes.
 • State regulatory autonomy becomes judicially real, not political rhetoric.

This is not a gas case anymore.
This is jurisdictional warfare.

🔻

4. How This Ties Back to MA63 and the IGC

This is where history comes back to collect its unpaid debts. This is where it gets politically radioactive.

The Inter-Governmental Committee (IGC) Report of 1962 did not treat Sabah and Sarawak as administrative provinces. It envisioned:
 • Separate legal systems.
 • Separate public interest guardians.
 • Real autonomy in legal governance.

Putrajaya ignored this for 60 years.
Sarawak is now re-litigating MA63 in court, one doctrine at a time.

Not by grand speeches. By technical procedural fights that reshape precedent.

This is actually more dangerous to federal control than any political rally.

🔻

5. Why This Is a Lose-Lose Situation for Malaya

Malaya has only two options:

Option A: Win the Case

They:
 • Centralise legal authority
 • Reassert Petronas dominance
 • But politically confirm that MA63 is hollow rhetoric

This fuels:
 • Sabah and Sarawak alignment
 • East Malaysian autonomy movements
 • Long-term legitimacy erosion

Option B: Lose the Case

They:
 • Fragment legal sovereignty
 • Set precedent for state regulatory supremacy
 • Lose control over oil & gas governance

Which is economically catastrophic for federal fiscal structure.

Either way, Malaya bleeds.

This is why this case is existential, not technical.

🔻

6. Why This Is Bigger Than Petronas

If Sarawak wins on the AG point, the same doctrine applies to:
 • Land acquisition
 • Forestry
 • Carbon credits
 • Environmental regulation
 • Tax enforcement
 • Infrastructure licensing

Every future federal encroachment becomes challengeable as:

“Federal AG has no standing over state public interest.”

Federations are not weakened by autonomy. They are strengthened through constitutional judicial authority.

🔻

Bottom Line (The Real One)

This case is not about gas.

It is about whether Malaysia is:
 • A unitary state pretending to be federal, or
 • A genuine federation where states possess real legal sovereignty

Sarawak is forcing the judiciary to answer that question.

And Malaya cannot escape it anymore.

This case may be cited repeatedly in future challenges where state autonomy and federal authority intersect.

BP Reports: https://www.theborneopost.com/2026/01/24/roles-of-federal-state-ags-under-spotlight-in-petronas-subsidiaries-hearing/

Saturday, 3 January 2026

Thank you Sabah

Thank You, Sabah. Thank You, Sabahan.

You have spoken loudly and clearly in the Sabah state election (PRN17), and the message has shaken the entire nation.

To PMX Anwar Ibrahim, PKR, DAP, and Perikatan Nasional (PN) — take note. 

The people of Sabah have rejected you, and they rejected you decisively.

To PKR

You preached reform, anti-corruption, meritocracy, and multiculturalism for over 30 years. 

Yet when the moment came, Rafizi and the so-called reformists were sidelined to make way for Nurul Izzah — classic nepotism. PKR has turned into a “father-and-daughter” party.

Out of 12 seats contested, PKR won only ONE — and even that victory came from an imported candidate from another party.

To DAP

You lost ALL 8 seats you contested — every single traditional urban stronghold. In Luyang, Warisan crushed you with a 6,000-vote majority in a seat you once held by 18,000.

This is not just a defeat. This is the first tremor of a political earthquake coming for DAP in Sabah, and perhaps beyond.

You treated non-Malay voters like your fixed deposit, your personal insurance policy. 

When it mattered most, you went quiet, passive, and betrayed the community’s trust. You are turning into MCA 2.0.

Sarawak has recognised UEC. Hajiji has promised recognition if GRS returns to power. 

Yet at the federal level, DAP remains silent — acting deaf and dumb.

The loudest voices defending Chinese education and rights today are Abang Johari, Hajiji Noor, and Shafie Apdal — none of them Chinese. Think about that.

To Perikatan Nasional (PN)

You contested 41 seats and won only ONE.

Sabah, with more than 70% Muslim population, delivered a resounding rejection of your brand of radicalism, racism, and religious extremism. 

Even your own PAS candidate backtracked and dared not utter a word about banning alcohol, gambling, concerts, enforcing dress codes, or implementing hudud.

In Peninsular Malaysia, non-Muslims are your favourite punching bag — easy targets. 

In Sabah, you didn’t even dare try. 

Why? 

Because Sabah Muslims rejected your Semenanjung Taliban-style politics outright.

Sabahan Muslims are tolerant, respectful, progressive, and moderate. 

They do not weaponise race and religion the way PN does. 

That is the true face of Malaysian Islam — and Sabah showed it to the entire country.

Thank you, Sabah.

Thank you for proving that a Muslim-majority state can firmly reject extremist politics.

Thank you for reminding the nation what unity, maturity, and true Malaysian values look like.

The election is over. 

The old chapter of “Sabah for Sabahans” must now evolve into the next chapter: Borneo for Malaysia.

Sabah and Sarawak — you are the original natives of this land. 

You have preserved the soul of Malaysia when the peninsula lost its way. 

The political class in Semenanjung is rotten to the core. 

The only beacon of hope left is Borneo.

We Have Tried Everything from the Peninsula — And Everything Has Failed

We gave Barisan Nasional decades → corruption, kleptocracy, 1MDB.

We gave Pakatan Harapan the “Malaysia Baharu” dream → broken promises, nepotism , Sam Sterling , Surat Sokongan

We even gave Perikatan Nasional a chance → green-wave Extremism , Racism , Jana Wibawa , Menantu Lari and Economic Stagnation.

All three experiments from Peninsular Malaysia have failed miserably.

Two Different Malaysias — Two Different Futures

Peninsular Malaysia

Obsessed with moral policing, dress codes, khat, Jawi, signboard languages, halal/haram debates

Leaders who exploit race and religion to hide corruption

Victim mentality, tongkat culture, blaming others, dengki towards success

Creating imaginary enemies while the economy stagnates and talent flees

A regressive “cave mentality” even in the middle of KL

Sarawak & Sabah

Sarawak recognises UEC and pushes English + Mandarin as global languages

Merit-based scholarships, not race-based quotas

Leaders (Abang Johari, Hajiji, Shafie) talk about enlarging the economic pie for everyone

Focus on green energy, food security, education, sustainable investment

Looking forward, not backward

One side is stuck in the past.

The other side is building the future.

The Future of Malaysia Lies in the Hands of Sabah and Sarawak

You are the true guardians of unity, the last bastion of what it means to be truly Malaysian.

You are the original indigenous peoples of this land — your roots run deeper than anyone else’s. 

Long before others arrived, you were the stewards of this soil.

One day, may our Prime Minister come from Sabah or Sarawak.

If Sabah and Sarawak stand united, you are no longer just kingmakers — You can be the architects of Malaysia’s renaissance.

It is time for Borneo to rise, not just as participants in Malaysia’s story, but as its leaders.

One day, our Prime Minister must come from Sabah or Sarawak.
You have earned that right. 

You have preserved Malaysia’s soul when the peninsula lost its way.

The old chapter “Sabah for Sabahans, Sarawak for Sarawakians” is over.

The new chapter has begun: Borneo for Malaysia.
Seize this moment. Unite. Lead us.
Terima kasih, Sabah.
Thank you, Sarawak.
Thank you, Borneo.
You are our beacon of light.
You are our only hope.